Government of Maldives cracks down on tourism workers

In a carefully orchestrated plan to stifle dissent and silence the growing voices of the tourism workers in the Maldives, the government cracked down on the leaders of Tourism Employees Association of Maldives (TEAM) on Sunday. In a predawn raid at One&Only Reethi Rah resort in Male’ Atoll, where a strike was going on since Friday, members of STAR Team from Special Operations Division of Maldives Police Service used excessive force while arresting 13 strikers.

Among those arrested is Ahmed Easa, the President of TEAM. Ahmed Mihad, Vice President of TEAM, told Jazeera Daily that Easa is injured from the police assault. Mihad alleges police used pepper spray and excessive force during the raid. He said several workers were hurt including female employees. “It looks like the police are unaware of the change in government,” Mihad told Jazeera Daily.

Statements from the police contradict these allegations. The state-owned Television Maldives reported, referring to police sources, that excessive force was not used. Rumours that the strikers were damaging property at the resort are also being spread. However, Mihad said the strikers were peaceful during the strike.

More than 200 workers from One&Only Reethi Rah started the strike on Friday morning calling for improvements in working conditions. Minivan News reported that 13 of them were fired by Saturday evening, including the head of TEAM, Easa. Mauroof Zakir, a Vice President of TEAM, who also worked at the same resort, was among the 13 workers who were sacked.

“We have been working on these islands like slaves but the reason that our rights aren’t implemented is because parliament is run by rich businessmen,” Easa told Minivan News on Saturday.

“The former government and this government so far have both failed to protect our rights,” he added.

The 13 employees who were fired refused to leave the island saying that under the new labour law they cannot be fired without two weeks notice and an explanation for terminating employment. Zakir told Minivan News he will stay on the island till he receives a court order and added that he believed he was fired because of his campaigns for workers’ rights.

It appears that the resort management asked the police to move in and physically remove the 13 strikers who were fired.

Even though there is no adequate legal framework for workers’ unions, TEAM has been functioning as a de facto union and has been at the forefront of demanding rights for workers in the tourism sector. When the Employment Act was ratified in May it exempted the tourism employees from receiving basic rights under it, prompting TEAM to start a long campaign to include the tourism workers in the Employment Act. They were successful in the campaign but TEAM still complains several resorts are not enforcing the Employment Act. Recent strikes in some tourist resorts resulted in the dismissal of striking employees despite the constitution that was ratified in August guaranteeing the right to strike.

Critics have accused the new government sworn in on November 11, as being too cozy with business interests. The government is a coalition made up of several political factions which are either formed by business tycoons or backed by tycoons. The home minister Gasim Ibrahim is one of the wealthiest businessmen in the country and the owner of Villa Resorts. He was the presidential candidate from the Republican Party in the first round of the recent election. Ahmed Sawad, the tourism minister, also from Republican Party and the running mate of Gasim during the presidential election, is believed to be a proxy of Gasim and other resort owners. The police are also accountable to the home minister. Haveeru reports that the police raided One&Only Reethi Rah following the instructions of home minister Gasim Ibrahim.

Sunday’s incident at One&Only Reethi Rah confirms that the brutal tactics of the STAR Team have not changed despite a change of government. The STAR Team was known for their brutal control of anti-government protests when the former dictator Maumoon Abdul Gayoom was in power. Adam Zahir, the notorious police commissioner under Gayoom, was retired by the new government recently. However, top brass in the police force, who have been accused of corruption and torture, remains in control, and the current police commissioner Ahmed Faseeh is no exception.

Dissidents in Maldives are already fearful of the direction the new government has taken. Last week the government submitted a Bill to the Parliament proposing to extend the lease period of tourist resorts to 50 years in a move that will benefit the wealthy tourism tycoons. It is expected that the bill will pass easily in the parliament which is dominated by the tycoons.

Reethi Rah resort is owned by the family of Ahmed Thasmeen Ali, the former atolls minister, parliament member for Baa Atoll, and deputy leader of Dhivehi Raiyithunge Party (DRP). He was the running mate of ex-president Gayoom in the October election. The resort is managed by the international resort and casino operator Kerzner International under its luxury brand One&Only Resorts. Conde Nast Traveller magazine’s UK readers voted the resort as number one in the world in 2007. Despite close connections between the resort management and the regime of ex-president Gayoom, the resort employees were always proactive in voicing dissent. The employees had established a cell of Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) in the resort and were active in campaigning for MDP in the October election. It is no surprise that several leaders of employees’ association TEAM worked at the same resort. TEAM endorsed presidential candidate Mohamed Nasheed of MDP in the election.

By unleashing the brutal STAR Team on the resort, the government of Nasheed has stabbed once loyal supporters in the back. The government has also given a strong signal that the corporate interests of the tycoons are far important than upholding workers’ rights in the tourism industry of Maldives.

Take action: Workers in the tourism industry of Maldives complain of low wages, long working hours, discrimination and a failure to enforce the rights outlined in the Employment Act. Write to Tourism Concern, a UK-based organization working to promote ethical tourism, detailing the predicament of the employees in the tourism industry of the Maldives.

Tourism Concern
Stapleton House
277-281 Holloway Road
London N7 8HN
United Kingdom

Telephone : +44 (0) 20 7133 3800

To send an email go the page: http://www.tourismconcern.org.uk/index.php?page=contact-us

A message to the new government of Maldives

You are currently reading the blog of Maverick. This is our first post since the people of Maldives elected a new government with the sincere hope of creating a society based on the principles of economic and social equality and justice. Our message to the new government of Maldives is short and simple. Withdraw the bill submitted by the government to the Parliament proposing to extend the lease period of tourist resorts to 50 years.

Or else be prepared to face the consequences.

އިންތިހާބުގެ ވަގުތަކީ ބަދަލާއި އިންގިލާބުގެ ވަގުތެއް

ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ ފަހުގެ ތާރީހުގައި އިންތިހާބުގެ ވަގުތަކީ މުޖުތަމައުގެ ތެރޭ ބޮޑެތި އިސްލާހީ ބަދަލުތައް ފެށުމަށް މަގުފަހިކޮށްދިން ދުވަސްތަކެކެވެ. 1989 ވަނަ އަހަރުގެ ފަހުކޮޅު ބޭއްވި ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހުގެ އިންތިހާބުން އިސްލާހަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މެންބަރުންކޮޅެއް ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހަށް ހޮވުމުގެ ނަތީޖާއަކަށްވީ މަޖިލީހުގެ ތެރޭގައި އިސްލާހީ އޮއިވަރެއް އުފެދުމެވެ. އެ އިންތިހާބުގައި ޑރ މުހައްމަދު ވަހީދު ހަސަން މަނިކު މާލޭގެ ގޮނޑިއެއް ކާމިޔާބު ކުރީ ކެމްޕޭން ކުރުމުގެ އާ ގޮތްތަކެއް ތައާރަފު ކުރަމުންނެވެ. 1990 ވަނަ އަހަރު ދިވެހިން ތޮށި ފަޅާލާފައި ނިކުތީ ސަންގު ނޫހާއި ހުކުރު ނޫހުގެ މިނިވަން ލިޔުންތަކާއި އެކުގައެވެ. އޭގެ ދިހަ އަހަރު ފަހުން 1999 ވަނަ އަހަރުގެ ފަހުކޮޅު ބޭއްވުނު ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހުގެ އިންތިހާބަކީ ވެސް ގިނަގުނަ ބަދަލުތަކެއްގެ ފެށުމެވެ. މުހައްމަދު ނަޝީދު (އަންނި) މާލޭގެ ގޮނޑިއެއް ކާމިޔާބު ކުރީ ދުވަހަކުވެސް އޭގެ ކުރިން ފެނިފައި ނުވާފަދަ ފޯރިގަދަ ކެމްޕޭނެއް ކުރުމަށްފަހުގައެވެ. ސިޔާސީ ޕާޓީއެއްގެ ގޮތުގައި އެމްޑީޕީ ރަޖިސްޓްރީ ކުރުމަށް ފުރަތަމަ ކުރެވުނު މަސައްކަތާއި، ސަންދާނު ނޫސް ސިއްރުން ނެރެން ފެށުން މިއީ ދެން އައި އިސްލާހީ އޮއިވަރުގެ ފާހަގަކޮށްލެވޭ ބައެއް ނުކުތާތަކެވެ.

2003 ވަނަ އަހަރުގެ ސެޕްޓެމްބަރ މަހު 19 ވަނަ ދުވަހުގެ ރޭ މާފުށީ ޖަލުގައި އީވާން ނަސީމް ވަރަށް ރަހުމް ކުޑަ ގޮތަކަށް މަރާލުމާއި ގުޅިގެން ޖަލުގައި އަދި މާލޭގައި އުފެދުނު ހަމަނުޖެހުންތަކާއި، ރައްޔިތުންގެ ކެތްތެރިކަން ކޮޅުން ލައިގެން ދިއުމުގެ ނަތީޖާއަކަށްވީ ބަދަލުގެ އާ ހަރަކާތެއް އެއަހަރު ފެށުމެވެ. އެފަހަރުގެ އިންތިހާބު ކިތަންމެ ފޯރި ކުޑަކޮށް ނިމިގެން ދިޔަ ނަމަވެސް އެއަހަރުގެ ރިޔާސީ އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާއިން ދިވެހިން އަޒުމް ކަނޑައެޅީ ހުދުމުހުތާރު ވެރިކަން ނިމުމަކަށް ގެނައުމަށެވެ. މިއަހަރު ދިވެހިން ކުރިމަތިލާފައިވާ ރިޔާސީ އިންތިހާބަކީ މިހާތަނަށް އެންމެ ފޯރިގަދަ ކޮށް ކެމްޕޭން ފެނުނު އަދި ރައްޔިތުންގެ އުންމީދުތަކާއި އެންމެ ބޮޑަށް ގުޅިފައިވާ އިންތިހާބެވެ.

އިންތިހާބަކީ ބަދަލުގެ ވަގުތެކެވެ. ދުނިޔޭގެ ކިތަންމެ ގައުމެއްގައި ހުދުމުހުތާރު ވެރިކަން ނިމި ބަދަލު އައިސްފައިވަނީ އިންތިހާބާއި ގުޅިގެންނެވެ. ބައެއް ގައުމުތަކުގައި އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ އޮޅުވާލުމަށް ސަރުކާރުން މަސައްކަތް ކުރުމުން ދެން ރައްޔިތުން މަގުތަކާއި މައިދާންތަކަށް ނިކުމެ މަދަނީ ބަސް ނޭހުމުން ބަދަލު ގެނެސްފައި އެބަހުއްޓެވެ. ރައްޔިތުން ބަދަލު ގެންނަން ތިބޭނަމަ ހުދުމުހުތާރު ވެރިންނަށް އިންތިހާބެއްގައި ކުރި ހޯދޭނީ ހަމައެކަނި މަކަރާއި އޮޅުވާލުމުގެ ތެރެއިންނެވެ. އެފަދަ ކަމެއް ހިގިޔަސް ރައްޔިތުން ގެންނަން ތިބި ބަދަލު ގެނައުމުގެ ފުރުސަތު ބަންދުވީއެއް ނޫނެވެ.

މޯލްޑިވިއަން ރެބެލްސްގެ ނިއުސްލެޓަރ ރިޒިސްޓްގެ ދެވަނަ އަދަދުގައި (23 ޖެނުއަރީ 2006) ބަލާލާފައި ވާނީ ދުނިޔޭގެ ގައުމުތަކުގެ ފަހުގެ ތާރީހުގައި ހިގާފައިވާ މިނިވަންކަމުގެ އިންގިލާބުތަކަށެވެ. އޭގެ ތެރެއިން ވަރަށް ގިނަ އިންގިލާބުތައް ހިގާފައިވަނީ އިންތިހާބުގެ ވަގުތާއި ގުޅިގެންނެވެ.


މިނިވަންކަމުގެ އިންގިލާބުތައް

ރިޒިސްޓް 2، 23 ޖެނުއަރީ 2006


ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާ 1989

ވެލްވެޓް އިންގިލާބު

ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާގައި އޮތް ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ސަރުކާރު ވެއްޓުނީ 17 ނޮވެމްބަރ 1989 ގައި ކިޔަވާކުދިން ފެއްޓި މުޒާހަރާ ތަކުންނެވެ. އެއީ ނާޒީން ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާއަށް އަތްގަދަކޮށްގެން ތިބުމާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ކިޔަވާކުދިން ކުރި މުޒާހަރާއަކަށް 50 އަހަރު ފުރުނު ތާރީހު ވެސް މެއެވެ. ޕޯލެންޑާއި އިރުމަތީ ޖަރމަނީގައި ސަރުކާރާއި އިދިކޮޅު ހަރަކާތްތައް ހިގަމުންދާތާ އެތައް އަހަރެއް ވެފައި ވިޔަސް ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާގައި އެފަދަ ހަރަކާތެއް ނެތެވެ. ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ސަރުކާރަށް ހީވެފައި އޮތީ ރައްޔިތުންނަށް ބިއަރާއި ސޮސެޖް ލިބޭހާ ދުވަހަކު ރައްޔިތުން ކޮންޓްރޯލް ކުރެވޭނެ ކަމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ކިޔަވާ ކުދިންގެ މުޒާހަރާއެއްގައި އިތުރު މިނިވަން ކަމާއި ޑިމޮކްރެސީއަށް ގޮވަން ފެށުނެވެ. މުޒާހަރާގައި އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ބައިވެރިވުމާއިއެކު ކިޔަވާކުދިން ވެރިރަށް ޕްރާގްގެ މެދާއި ދިމާލަށް މިސްރާބު ޖެހިއެވެ.

ޔާން ބުބެނިކް އަކީ އޭރު މެޑިސިން ކިޔަވަމުން ދިޔަ ކުއްޖެކެވެ. އޭނާ ހަނދާން އާކުރި ގޮތުގައި: “އަހަރެމެން އެކަކު އަނެކަކުގެ ލޮލަށް ބެލި ގޮތް……. އެކަމުގެ ސަބަބުން އަހަރެމެންނަށް ހިތްވަރު ލިބުނު، އެއީ އެންމެން ވެސް އެއްގޮތަކަށް އިހުސާސްކުރާކަން އެގުނީމާ. އެންމެ މީހަކު ވެސް ކޮޅަށް ތެދުވާއިރަށް އެންމެން ތެދުވާން ފަށާ. އެއީ ވަރަށް ވަރުގަދަ އިހުސާސެއް. އަހަރެން އެކަން މުޅި އުމުރަށް ވެސް ހަނދާން ހުންނާނެ.”

މިނިވަންކަމުގެ ރޫހުގައި ގާތްގަނޑަކަށް 40،000 މީހުން މުޒާހަރާގައި ބައިވެރި ވިއެވެ. ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާ ޑިމޮކްރެސީއެއް ކުރިން ދުށް ހަމައެކަނި ޒަމާން ކަމުގައިވާ ފުރަތަމަ ޖުމްހޫރިއްޔާގެ ދުވަސްވަރުގެ ގައުމީ ސަލާމް ކިޔަމުން އެމީހުން، ޕްރާގް ގެ މެދަށް ވަނެވެ. ރަޔޮޓް ޕޮލިސް އާއި ރަތް ބެރޭ އަޅައިގެން ތިބި ސިފައިން އެމީހުންގެ އިންތިޒާރުގައި ތިއްބެވެ. ސަލާމަތީ ބާރުތަކުން މުޒާހަރާ ކުރި މީހުންގެ ގައިގައި ތަޅަން ފެށިއެވެ. ކިޔަވާކުދިން އެމީހުން ތިބީ ސުލްހަވެރިކޮށް ކަން ދައްކަން ހިފައިގެން ތިބީ މަލެވެ.

ބުބެނިކް ގެ ގާތް ރަހުމަތްތެރިއަކަށް ވެސް ވަރަށް އަނިޔާވިއެވެ. އޭނާ ގޮވައިގެން ހޮސްޕިޓަލަށް ދިޔަ އިރު ހުރީ ބުބެނިކްގެ ޕްރޮފެސަރެކެވެ. އޭނާ އަނިޔާވި ކުއްޖާއަށް ފަރުވާދިނީ ހޮސްޕިޓަލުގެ ރަޖިސްޓްރީގައި ނޯޓު ނުކޮށެވެ. ވީމާ ފުލުހުން ފަހުން އެކުއްޖާއަށް ގޯނާ ނުކުރެއެވެ.

ރަޖިސްޓްރީ ނުކޮށް ބަލިމީހަކަށް ފަރުވާދިނުން އެއީ މަދަނީ ބަސްނޭހުމުގެ އަމަލެކެވެ. ފުލުހުންގެ އަނިޔާވެރިކަމުގެ ސަބަބުން ޗެކް މުޖުތަމައު ހައިރާންވިއެވެ. މީހަކު މަރުނުވި ނަމަވެސް އެތައް ބަޔަކަށް އަނިޔާވިއެވެ. އަނެއް ދުވަހު ކިޔަވާކުދިން ހަޅުތާލު ކުރަން ފެށިއެވެ. އޭގެ އެއްދުވަސް ފަހުން މަގުބޫލު އިދިކޮޅު މީހެއް ކަމަށްވާ ވަޗްލާވް ހަވެލް ސިވިކް ފޯރަމް ފެއްޓިއެވެ. ސިވިކް ފޯރަމް އަކީ ސަރުކާރު ހިންގަމުން ދިޔަ ގޮތާއި މެދު ހިތްހަމަ ނުޖެހުނު މީހުންގެ ޝުއޫރު ފާޅުކުރުމަށް ހެދި ޖަމާއަތެކެވެ. ޕަބްލިކް އެގެއިންސްޓް
ވަޔަލެންސްގެ ނަމުގައި އެހެން ޖަމާއަތެއް ސްލޮވާކިޔާގައި ފެއްޓުނެވެ. މިޖަމާއަތްތަކުން އެދެމުން ދިޔައީ ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ސަރުކާރު އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނުމާއި، ހިޔާލުފާޅުކުރުމުގެ ސަބަބުން ހައްޔަރުކޮށްފައި ތިބި މީހުން ދޫކޮށްލުމަށާއި،17 ނޮވެމްބަރގައި ފުލުހުން ހިންގި އަމަލުތައް ތަހުގީގުކުރުމަށެވެ. އެއީ ވެލްވެޓް އިންގިލާބުގެ ފެށުމެވެ. ކިޔަވާކުދިންނާއި، ފިލްމާއި ތަމްސީލުކުޅޭ މީހުންނާއި، ސަރުކާރާއި އިދިކޮޅު މީހުން ޔުނިވާސިޓީތަކާއި ތިއޭޓަރުތަކަށް އެއްވެ، ގަރާރުތައް ޑްރާފްޓް ކުރަން ފެއްޓިއެވެ. މަސައްކަތްކުރާ މީހުންނަށް އިންގިލާބުގެ ބޭނުން ކިޔާދޭން ފެށިއެވެ. ތިއޭޓަރުތަކުގައި ތަމްސީލުގެ ބަދަލުގައި އެދުވަސްވަރު އޮތީ ހިޔާލު ބަދަލުކުރުމެވެ. ކިޔަވާކުދިން ރަށްފުށުގެ ހިސާބުތަކަށް ގޮސް މިއިންގިލާބަށް ތާއީދު ހޯދުމުގެ މަސައްކަތް ފެށިއެވެ.

19 ނޮވެމްބަރ އިން ފެށިގެން ޑިސެމްބަރ މަހުގެ ފަހުކޮޅާއި ހަމަޔަށް މުޒާހަރާތައް ކުރިޔަށް ދިޔައެވެ. 27 ނޮވެމްބަރގައި 2 ގަޑިއިރުގެ ހަޅުތާލެއް އޮތެވެ. ނޮވެމްބަރ 19 ވަނަ ދުވަހު ޕްރާގް ގައި ދެލައްކަ މީހުން މުޒާހަރާގައި ބައިވެރިވީއިރު އޭގެ ފަހުދުވަހު އެއަދަދު ބައިމިލިޔަނަށް އެރިއެވެ.

މުޒާހަރާތަކާއި ގުޅިގެން ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ޕާޓީއަށް އާ ލީޑަރަކު ހޮވިއެވެ. އެއީ ބަދަލު ގެންނަން އުޅޭކަން ދެއްކުމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އެބަދަލުތައް ރައްޔިތުން ގަބޫލެއް ނުކުރިއެވެ. ސަރުކާރަށް މަޖުބޫރުވީ ސިވިކް ފޯރަމްއާއި އެކުގައި ވާހަކަތައް ފަށާށެވެ. އަދި ގާނޫނު އަސާސީއަށް ގެންނަން ސިވިކް ފޯރަމުން ހުށަހެޅި ބަދަލުތަކެއް ގެންނާށެވެ.

އެންމެ ފަހުން ރައީސަށް ވެސް ޖެހުނީ އިސްތިއުފާ ދޭށެވެ. 1960 ގެ އަހަރުތަކުގައި ޕްރާގް ސްޕްރިންގް ހަރަކާތް ހިންގި އެލެގްޒެންޑަރ ޑޫބެކް ފެޑެރަލް އެސެމްބްލީ (ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލިސް) ގެ ރައީސަކަށް އަދި ހަވެލް ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާގެ ރައީސަކަށް ހޮވުނެވެ. އަލަށް އައި ސަރުކާރުގެ މަސައްކަތުން ގިނަ އިސްލާހުތަކެއް ގެނެސް 1990 ގައި ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާގައި 40 އަހަރުތެރޭ ފުރަތަމަ ފަހަރަށް މިނިވަން އިންތިހާބެއް ބޭއްވިއެވެ.

ރުމޭނިއާ ޑިސެމްބަރ 1989

އިރުމަތީ ޔޫރަޕްގެ ގިނަ ގައުމުތަކަށް އައި އިންގިލާބުތަކަކީ ސުލްހަވެރި އިންގިލާބުތަކެއް ނަމަވެސް ރުމޭނިއާއަށް އައީ ހަމަނުޖެހުން އެކުލެވިގެންވީ އިންގިލާބެކެވެ. 22 ޑިސެމްބަރ 1989 ގައި ރުމޭނިއާގެ ހުދުމުހުތާރު ވެރިޔާ ނިކޯލައި ޗައުސަސްކޫގެ ވެރިކަން އިންގިލާބަކުން ވައްޓާލުމުން އޭނާ ވެރިރަށް ބުކަރެސްޓުން ފިލިއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ތިން ދުވަސް ފަހުން އޭނާއާއި އޭނާގެ އަންހެނުން އެލީނާ އަތުލައިގަނެ އެދެމީހުން މަރާލިއެވެ. ޕޯލެންޑްގައި ސޮލިޑާރިޓީއަށް އިންތިހާބެއްގެ ތެރެއިން ވެރިކަމަށް އާދެވުނަސް، އަދި ޗެކޮސްލަވާކިޔާގެ ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ވެރިކަން ވެލްވެޓް އިންގިލާބުން ނިމުނު ނަމަވެސް، ރުމޭނިއާގައި ކަންތައް ހިގާ ދިޔައީ އަމާންކަމާއި އެކުގައެއް ނޫނެވެ.

24 އަހަރު ވަންދެން ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ޕާޓީގެ ލީޑަރެއްގެ ގޮތުގައި އަދި 21 އަހަރު ވަންދެން ރުމޭނިއާގެ ރައީސެއްގެ ގޮތުގައި ޗައުސެސްކޫ ހޭދަކުރި މުއްދަތަކީ ރައްޔިތުން ބިރުވެރިކަމުގެ ތެރޭ އުޅެން ޖެހުނު ދުވަސްތަކެކެވެ. ސިއްރު ފުލުހުންނާއި ޖާސޫސުންގެ ވިއުގަ ބޭނުންކޮށްގެން ހުރިހާ އިދިކޮޅު ހަރަކާތެއް އޮތީ ފިއްތާލާފައެވެ.

ފިނި ހަނގުރާމައިގެ ދުވަސްވަރު ބޮޑެތި ބާރުތައް އެއްބަޔަކު އަނެއް ބަޔަކާއި ޖެއްސުމަކީ ވެސް ޗައުސަސްކޫ ކުރި ކަމެކެވެ. އަދި މޮސްކޯގެ ކިބައިން މިނިވަން މީހެއްގެ ގޮތުގައި ގައުމުގެ މީހުންނަށް އޭނާ ދިޔައީ ސިފަކޮށްދެމުންނެވެ.

އަނިޔާވެރި ވެރިކަމާ ދެކޮޅަށް މުޒާހަރާތައް ފެށުނީ ޓިމިސޯރާ ކިޔާ ސިޓީއެއްގައި 15 ޑިސެމްބަރ 1989 ގައެވެ. ކާބޯތަކެތި ނުލިބުން ފަދަ މައްސަލަތަކާއި މެދު ހިތްހަމަ ނުޖެހި ތިބި މީހުން “އަހަރެމެން ޕާން ބޭނުން” ފަދަ ޝިއާރުތައް ބޭނުން ކުރަން ފެއްޓިޔަސް ފަހުން އެ ޝިއާރުތައް ބަދަލުވީ “ޗައުސަސްކޫ ބާލާ” ފަދަ ޝިއާރުތަކަށެވެ.

ޗައުސަސްކޫ އޭރު ހުރީ އީރާނަށް ކުރި ދަތުރެއްގައެވެ. މުޒާހަރާކުރާ މީހުންގެ ގަޔަށް ބަޑި ޖަހަން އޭނާ ކުރި އަމުރަށް ސަލާމަތީ ބާރުތަކާއި ސިއްރު ފުލުހުންގެ ބައެއް ޖެނެރަލުން ދެކޮޅު ހެދުމުން ސީދާ އޭނާ އެއަމުރު ނެރުނެވެ. ބަޑިޖެހުމުގެ ސަބަބުން މަރުވީ ސަތޭކައެއްހާ މީހުން ނަމަވެސް އެތައް ސަތޭކަ މީހުން މަރުވި ހަބަރު ފެތުރިގެން ދިއުމާއިއެކުގައި ބުކަރެސްޓާއި އެހެނިހެން ބޮޑެތި ރަށްތަކަށް މުޒާހަރާ ފެތުރިގެން ދިޔައެވެ.

ޗައުސަސްކޫ އޭނާއަށް ރައްޔިތުންގެ ތާއީދު އޮތްކަން ދެއްކުމުގެ ގޮތުން ބުކަރެސްޓްގެ މައި މައިދާނުގައި 21 ޑިސެމްބަރ ގައި އެއްވުމެއް ބޭއްވިއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ޓީވީން ވަގުތުން ދައްކަނިކޮށް މީހުން އައިސް އޭނާއަށް މަލާމާތްކޮށް ހަޅޭއްލަވަން ފެށުމުން އެކަން ދިޔައީ ފަނުފުލުންނެވެ.

އާމީގެ ބައެއް މީހުންނާއި އަދި ސިއްރު ފުލުހުން ޗައުސަސްކޫއަށް ވަފާތެރިކަން މަތީ ތިއްބަސް، އާމީގެ އިސް ޖެނެރަލުންނާއި އަދި ކޮމިއުނިސްޓް ޕާޓީގެ އިސް ބައެއް ވެރިން ވެސް ޗައުސަސްކޫއާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ނިކުތެވެ. ދެން ފެށުނީ މަގުމަތީގެ ހަނގުރާމަތަކެވެ. އޭގެ ތެރޭގައި ބައިގަނޑެއް 22 ޑިސެމްބަރގައި ޗައުސަސްކޫގެ އޮފީހަށް ވަދެގަތެވެ. އޭނާ ހެލިކޮޕްޓަރުން ފިލިއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ސިޓީގެ ބޭރުން އަތުލައިގަތުމަށްފަހު ސިއްރު ޝަރީއަތަކުން ނިންމީ 60،000 މީހުން މަރާލަން އަމުރު ކުރުމުގެ ކުށުގައި ޗައުސަސްކޫ އާއި އެލީނާ މަރާލުމަށެވެ. ޗައުސަސްކޫ އާއި އޭނާގެ އަންހެނުންގެ ހަށިގަނޑު އުންޑައިން ތޮރުފިފައިވާ މަންޒަރު ޓީވީއިން ފެންނަން ފެށުމުން މުޒާހަރާތައް ހުއްޓުނެވެ.

ރުމޭނިއާ އަށް ދެން އައި ސަރުކާރުތަކަކީ ވެސް ކަރަޕްޝަނުން ސަލާމަތްވެފައިވާ ސަރުކާރުތަކެއް ނޫނެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ފަހަކަށް އައިސް ޑިމޮކްރެސީގެ މަގުގައި ފިޔަވަޅުތަކެއް އެޅެމުން އެބަދެއެވެ. ޗައުސަސްކޫއަށް ދުނިޔޭގެ ވެރިންގެ ފަރާތުން ލިބިފައިވާ އަގުބޮޑު ހަދިޔާތައް ނީލަން ކިޔާފައި ވިޔަސް، އޭނާގެ ބިރުވެރިކަން އަދިވެސް ރައްޔިތުންގެ ހިތްތަކުން ފިލައިގެނެއް ނުދެއެވެ.

ފިލިޕީންސް 1986

އެޑްސާ އިންގިލާބު

އެޑްސާ އިންގިލާބު ނުވަތަ ޕީޕަލް ޕަވަރ ރިވޮލިއުޝަނަކީ 1986 ވަނަ އަހަރު ފިލިޕީންސްގައި ގެނެވުނު ސުލްހަވެރި އިންގިލާބެކެވެ. އެތައް މިލިޔަން މީހުން ކުރި މުޒާހަރާގެ ސަބަބުން ފާޑިނަންޑް މާކޯސްގެ ވެރިކަން ވެއްޓުނެވެ. އެޑްސާއަކީ ވެރިރަށް މެނީލާގައި މުޒާހަރާކުރި މީހުން އެންމެ ގިނައިން އެއްވެ ތިބި މައި ހައިވޭއަކަށް ކިޔާ ނަމެކެވެ.

ތިން އަހަރު ވަންދެން އެމެރިކާގައި އަރުވާލެވިގެން ހުރުމަށްފަހު އެނބުރި ގައުމަށް އައިތަނާ 1983 ގައި އިދިކޮޅު ލީޑަރެއް ކަމަށްވާ ބެނިގްނޯ އަކީނޯ މެނީލާގެ އެއަރޕޯޓުގައި މަރާލެވުނެވެ. މިކަމާއި ގުޅިގެން މާކޯސްގެ ސަރުކާރުގެ މަގުބޫލުކަން ދަށަށް ދިޔައެވެ. އަދި އަކީނޯގެ އަންހެނުން ކޮރަޒޯން އަކީނޯއަކީ މާކޯސްގެ ސަރުކާރާއި ދެކޮޅު މަގުބޫލު ލީޑަރަކަށް ވެގެން ދިޔައެވެ.

1985 ގެ ފަހުކޮޅު މާކޯސް ކުއްލި އިންތިހާބެއް އިއުލާންކުރިއެވެ. އިދިކޮޅު ހަރަކާތުގެ ފަރާތުން އެމީހުންގެ ރިޔާސީ ކެންޑިޑޭޓަކަށް ހުށަހެޅީ އަކީނޯއެވެ. 7 ފެބްރުއަރީ 1986 ގައި ބޭއްވި އިންތިހާބު ދިޔައީ އިންތިހާބު އޮޅުވާލުމާއި ހަމަނުޖެހުންތަކާއި އެކުގައެވެ. ރަސްމީގޮތުން މާކޯސް އަށް ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނުކަމަށް އިއުލާންކުރި ނަމަވެސް މިނިވަން ޖަމާއަތްތަކުން އިންތިހާބު ހިގި ގޮތް ބެލުމަށްފަހު ހާމަކުރީ އަކީނޯއަށް ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނު ކަމަށެވެ. ވީމާ ގިނަ ގައުމުތަކަކުން އިންތިހާބުގެ ރަސްމީ ނަތީޖާ ގަބޫލެއް ނުކުރިއެވެ.

އިންގިލާބު ފެށުނީ ވަރަށް އިސް އަސްކަރީ ދެ މީހުން މާކޯސްއަށް ތާއީދުކުރުން ހުއްޓާލި ހިސާބުންނެވެ. 22 ފެބްރުއަރީ 1986 ގައި ޑިފެންސް މިނިސްޓަރު ޖުއާން އެންރިލް އާއި އަސްކަރީ ބާރުތަކުގެ ވައިސް ޗީފް އޮފް ސްޓާފް ފިޑެލް ރާމޯސް ނޫސް ކޮންފަރެންސެއް ބާއްވައި، މާކޯސް އަށް ތާއީދުކުރުން ހުއްޓާލައިފި ކަމަށާ، ނިމިގެން ދިޔަ އިންތިހާބުގައި މާކޯސް މަކަރު ހަދާފައިވާ ކަމަށް ބުންޏެވެ. އަކީނޯއަކީ ހަގީގީ ރައީސްކަމަށް ބުނެ އެދެމީހުން އަސްކަރީ ދެމަރުކަޒުގައި މަޑުކޮށްގެން ތިބީ މާކޯސް އަށް ވަފާތެރި ސިފައިންނާއި ޗީފް އޮފް ސްޓާފްގެ ފަރާތުން އަންނާނެ ހަމަލާއަކަށް ތައްޔާރަށެވެ. އެ ދެ އަސްކަރީ މަރުކަޒު ހުރީ އެޑްސާގެ ދެފަރާތުގައެވެ.

އިރުކޮޅެއް ފަހުން ފިލިޕީންސްގައި އޭރު ހުރި ހަމައެކަނި ސަރުކާރުގެ ނުފޫޒު ނުހިގާ މިނިވަން ރޭޑިއޯކަމަށްވާ ރޭޑިއޯ ވެރިޓާސް އިން ރާމޯސްމެންގެ ނޫސް ކޮންފަރެންސް މުޅި ގައުމަށް ބްރޯޑްކާސްޓް ކުރިއެވެ. މާކޯސް ވެސް އޭނާގެ އަމިއްލަ ނޫސް ކޮންފަރެންސެއް ބާއްވައި އެންރިލް އާއި ރާމޯސްއަށް މޮޔަކަން ހުއްޓާލައި އަމާން ދިނުމަށް ބުންޏެވެ.

ގަޑިއެއްހާއިރު ފަހުން ވަރަށް މަގުބޫލު ފާދިރީއެއް ކަމަށްވާ ސިން ރޭޑިއޯ ވެރިޓާސްއިން ގޮވާލީ ބާޣީ ސިފައިންގެ ލީޑަރުންނާއި އެއްބައިވުމުގެ ގޮތުން ރައްޔިތުން އެޑްސާއަށް އެއްވެ، ކާބޯތަކެއްޗާއި އެހެނިހެން އެހީ ވުމަށެވެ.

އަނެއް ދުވަހު ފަތިހު ސަރުކާރު ސިފައިން ރޭޑިއޯ ވެރިޓާސް ގެ މައި ޓްރާންސްމީޓަރ ހަލާކު ކޮށްލައިފިއެވެ. ދުރު ހިސާބުތަކަށް ރޭޑިއޯ ފޮނުވުން ހުއްޓުނު ނަމަވެސް އެހެން ޓްރާންސްމީޓަރަކުން ރޭޑިއޯ ފޮނުވުން ކުރިޔަށް ގެންދެވުނެވެ. ބޭހާއި، ކާބޯތަކެތި ގެނައުމަށް ރޭޑިއޯ އިން އެދެމުން ދިޔައެވެ.

އެތައް ސަތޭކަ ހާސް މީހުން އެޑްސާއަށް އެއްވަމުން ދިޔައެވެ. މުޅި އާއިލާތައް އެއްކޮށް ވެސް ދިޔައެވެ. މީހުންގެ މުނިފޫހި ފިލުވައި ދިނުމުގައި ބައެއް މީހުން ހަރަކާތްތެރިވިއެވެ. އަޅުކަން ކުރުން ވެސް ކުރިޔަށް ދިޔައެވެ. އަދި މަގުގެ ބައެއް ހިސާބުތަކުގައި ވެލިގޯނިތަކާއި، ގަސްގަހާގެއްސާއި ދުއްވާތަކެތި ބަހައްޓައިގެން ބައެއް ހިސާބުތައް ބަންދުކުރަމުން ދިޔައެވެ. ހުރިހާ ދިމާލެއްގައި ވެސް މީހުން ދިޔައީ ރޭޑިއޯ ވެރިޓާސް އަޑުއަހަމުންނެވެ. އަދި އިދިކޮޅު ހަރަކާތުގެ ގައުމީ ސަލާމް ކަމުގައި ހިމެނުނު ލަވައެއް ކިޔަމުންނެވެ.

23 ފެބްރުއަރީގައި އެންރިލްއާއި ރާމޯސް އެއް ތަނެއްގައި ތިބުމަށް ނިންމައި، އެންރިލް މަގު ހުރަސްކޮށް ރާމޯސްގެ ކޭމްޕަށް ދިޔައެވެ. މީހުންގެ ތަރުހީބުގެ ތެރެއިންނެވެ.

ޓޭންކްތަކުގައި އައި ސިފައިންގެ ފައުޖެއް އެދުވަހުގެ މެންދުރު ފަހުގައި ހުއްޓުވީ އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ވެގެންނެވެ. އަންހެނުންނާއި ފިރިހެނުން އަތާއި އަތް ގުޅާލައިގެން ތިބެ ހުރަސް އެޅުމުން ސިފައިންނަށް ޖެހުނީ އަނބުރާ ދާށެވެ.

ރޭގަނޑު ރޭޑިއޯ ވެރިޓާސް ގެ ޓްރާންސްމީޓަރ ހަލާކުވެއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އެ ރޭޑިއޯ ސްޓޭޝަންގެ މުވައްޒަފުން އެހެން ސްޓޭޝަނަކަށް ގޮސް ސިއްރު ތަނަކުން ބްރޯޑްކާސްޓް ކުރަން ފެށިއެވެ.

24 ފެބްރުއަރީގައި ސިފައިން ކަރުނަ ގޭސް ބޭނުންކޮށްގެން މުޒާހަރާ ކުރި ބަޔަކު ރޫޅާލިއެވެ. ބާޣީ ލީޑަރުން ތިބި ކޭމްޕަށް މިސްރާބު ޖެހުމަށް ހެލިކޮޕްޓަރު ފައުޖުތަކަކަށް އޯޑަރު އައެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އޭރު އެމީހުން ވެސް ތިބީ ސިއްރުން ސަރުކާރަށް ތާއީދުކުރުން ހުއްޓާލައިގެންނެވެ. ކޭމްޕަށް ހަމަލާ ދިނުމުގެ ބަދަލުގައި ހެލިކޮޕްޓަރުތައް ގޮސް އެތަނަށް ތިރިކުރީއެވެ. އަދި އެއްވެފައިވާ މީހުން ސިފައިން ގައިގައި ބައްދާ ތަރުހީބު ދިނެވެ.

މާކޯސް ގަނޑުވަރުން ނިކުމެއްޖެކަމަށް ހަބަރު ފެތުރިގެން މީހުން އުފާފާޅުކުރަނިކޮށް، މާކޯސް ސަރުކާރުގެ ޗެނަލް 4 ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަނުން އިއުލާން ކުރީ އޭނާ އިސްތިއުފާ ނުދޭނެ ކަމަށެވެ. ޗެނަލް 4 އިން މިވާހަކަ ބްރޯޑްކާސްޓް ކުރަނިކޮށް ކުއްލިއަކަށް އެޗެނަލް ގެއްލިއްޖެއެވެ. އިސްލާހު ބޭނުންވާ ސިފައިން އެ ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަން އެމީހުންގެ ބާރުގެ ދަށަށް ގެނައީއެވެ. ފަހުން އެ ޗެނަލްއިން ބްރޯޑްކާސްޓް ކުރަން ފެއްޓީ “ޗެނަލް 4 ރައްޔިތުންގެ ހިދުމަތުގައި” ކަމަށް އަންގަމުންނެވެ. އޭރު އެޑްސާއަށް އެއްވެފައި ތިބި މީހުންގެ އަދަދު މިލިޔނަކަށް އަރައެވެ. މެންދުރު ފަސް ވީއިރު އަސްކަރިއްޔާގެ ގިނަ އޮފިސަރުން ތިބީ މާކޯސް އާއި ދެކޮޅަށެވެ.

24 ފެބްރުއަރީގައި އެޑްސާ އޮތީ ފުރިފައެވެ. ޓީވީއިން ދައްކަނިކޮށް މާކޯސްއާއި އަސްކަރިއްޔާގެ ޗީފް ޖެނެރަލް ފަބިއަން ވާރ ގެ ދެމެދު ވާހަކަކޮޅެއް ދިޔައެވެ. ވާރ ބުނީ މީހުންނާއި ދިމާލަށް ބަޑި ޖެހުމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ވަރުބަލިވެފައިވާ މާކޯސް އެކަމަށް އެއްބަސް ނުވިއެވެ. ކިތަންމެ ހުދުމުހުތާރުކަމާއި އެކު ވެރިކަން ކުރިޔަސް ރައްޔިތުންގެ ބާރުގެ ކުރިމަތީ މާކޯސް ބަލި ގަބޫލު ކުރީއެވެ.

ވާރ: އަހަރެމެން ޖެހެނީ އެމީހުން އަތުގައި ހުރި ހެލިކޮޕްޓަރުތައް ހަލާކު ކުރަން. ދެ ހަނގުރާމަމަތީ މަތިންދާބޯޓު މިހާރު އުދުހެނީ ހަމަލާއަށް ތައްޔާރުވެގެން. ސަރ.
މާކޯސް: އަހަރެންގެ އަމުރަކީ ހަމަލަ ނުދިނުން
ވާރ: އެމީހުން އަހަރެމެންގެ ސިފައިންގެ ކައިރިއަށް އާންމުން ޖަމާ ކުރަނީ. އިއްޔެ ވެސް ވިދާޅުވީ ފަހަތަށް ޖެހުމަށް.
މާކޯސް: (މެދުކަނޑާލާފައި) އަހަރެންގެ އަމުރަކީ ބަޑިނުޖަހާ މީހުން ރޫޅާލުން
ވާރ: އަޅުގަނޑުމެންނަކަށް އަބަދަކު ފަހަތަކަށް ނުޖެހެވޭނެ.
މާކޯސް: ނޫން. ނޫން. ނޫން. މަޑުކުރޭ. މީހުންތައް ބަޑި ނުޖަހާ ރޫޅާލާ. އެހެން ކޮންމެ ހަތިޔާރެއް ބޭނުން ކުރިޔަސް ހެޔޮ.

25 ފެބްރުއަރީގެ ހެނދުނު ކޯރީ އަކީނޯ ފިލިޕީންސްގެ ރައީސްގެ ހުވާ ކުރިއެވެ. ރާމޯސް، އެންރިލް އަދި ވަރަށް ގިނަ ސިޔާސީ މީހުން މި ރަސްމިއްޔާތުގައި ބައިވެރިވިއެވެ. ދެމިލިޔަނަށް ވުރެ ގިނަ މީހުން އުފާފާޅުކުރިއެވެ. ގިނަ މީހުން ތިބީ އަކީނޯ އިންތިހާބުގެ ކެމްޕޭނުގައި ބޭނުންކުރި ކުލަ ކަމަށްވާ ރީދޫކުލައިގެ ހެދުމުގައެވެ. ގަޑިއެއްހާއިރު ފަހުން މާކޯސް ވެސް ގަނޑުވަރުގައި ހުވާކުރިއެވެ. ހުވާކުރުމަށްފަހު މާކޯސް އާއި އަންހެނުން އިމެލްޑާ އަވަހަށް ގަނޑުވަރު ދޫކޮށްލިއެވެ. ބާޣީ ސިފައިން ބާކީ ހުރި ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަންތައް ވެސް ހިފުމާއެކު މާކޯސްގެ ހުވާ ކުރުން ބްރޯޑްކާސްޓް ކުރުން ވެސް ހުއްޓުނެވެ. އޭރު އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ތިބީ ގަނޑުވަރާއި
އެންމެ ސަތޭކައެއްހާ މީޓަރ ކައިރީގައެވެ. މާކޯސްއަށް ވަފާތެރި ސިފައިން އެމީހުން ވަނަ ނުދީ ހިފެހެއްޓިއެވެ. އަދި ފާދިރީން މީހުންނަށް ތަޅާފޮޅުމަކަށް ނުދިއުމަށް ނަސޭހަތްތެރިވިއެވެ.

އެމެރިކާގެ ސަރުކާރާއި މަޝްވަރާ ކުރުމަށްފަހު މާކޯސް ވެރިކަމުން ފައިބަން އެއްބަސްވިއެވެ. އަދި ސަލާމަތުން ގައުމު ދޫކޮށް ދެވޭނެކަމުގެ ޔަގީންކަން އެންރިލް ކައިރިން ހޯދިއެވެ. އެރޭ މާކޯސް ގައުމު ދޫކޮށް ދިޔަ ހަބަރު ލިބުމުން މީހުން އުފާ ފާޅުކުރިއެވެ. ރައްޔިތުންނަށް ކުރިން ނުވަދެވޭ ގަނޑުވަރަށް މީހުން ވަދެ، އެމީހުންގެ ހަޔާތާ ބެހޭ ގިނަ ނިންމުންތަކެއް ނިންމާފައިވާ ތަން ބެލިއެވެ. ކޮންމެވެސް ވަރަކަށް ލޫޓުވުން ހިގި ނަމަވެސް ގިނަބަޔަކު ތިބީ މަޑުމައިތިރިކަމާއި އެކުގައެވެ.

ވިހި އަހަރަށްވުރެ ގިނަ ދުވަސްވީ ހުދުމުހުތާރު ވެރިކަމެއް ލޭއޮހޮރުވުމަކާ ނުލައި ނިންމާލެވުނީ ފިލިޕީންސްގެ އެތައް މިލިޔަން މީހުންގެ ހިތްވަރުންނެވެ.

އެޑްސާ އިންގިލާބަށްފަހުގައި ވެސް ފިލިޕީންސްގައި ކަރަޕްޝަނާއި ފަގީރުކަން އޮތުމުގެ ނަތީޖާއަކަށްވީ މިފަދަ އެހެން އިންގިލާބަކަށް ވެސް މަގުފަހިވުމެވެ.

ފިލިޕީންސް ޖެނުއަރީ 2001

އެޑްސާ އިންގިލާބު 2

ކުރީގެ ފިލްމީ ތަރިއެއް ކަމަށްވާ ޖޯސެފް އެސްޓްރާޑާއަށް ރައްޔިތުންގެ ތާއީދާއި ލޯބި ލިބުނެވެ. ފަހަރަކު ހަރުފަތެއް ގިރާ ކުރަމުން ގޮސް އޭނާއަށް ފިލިޕީންސްގެ ރައީސްކަން ލިބުނެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އޭނާގެ ސިޔާސީ ހަޔާތަށް ކަރަޕްޝަންގެ ހިޔަނި އެޅުނެވެ. ގާތް މީހުންނަށް މަތީ މަގާމު ދިނުމާއި، ރިޝްވަތު ގަބޫލުކުރިކަމަށް ތުހުމަތުކުރެވި ސިޔާސީ ކޮޅިގަނޑެއްގައި ޖެހުނެވެ. ކެބިނެޓްގެ އެތައް އިސް ބަޔަކު މިކަމާ ގުޅިގެން އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނެވެ. އަދި އެސްޓްރާޑާ އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނުމަށް ގޮވާލިއެވެ.

ސެނެޓުގައި އެސްޓްރާޑާ އަޒުލް ކުރުމުގެ ޝަރީއަތް ކުރިޔަށް ދިޔައިރު ކުރީގެ ރައީސުން ކަމަށްވާ އަކީނޯ އާއި ރާމޯސް އަދި ފާދިރީ ސިން ރައްޔިތުންނަށް ގޮވާލީ މަގުމައްޗަށް ނިކުމެ އެސްޓްރާޑާގެ އިސްތިއުފާއަށް ގޮވައި މުޒާހަރާ ކުރުމަށެވެ. އަސްކަރިއްޔާއަކީ ރައްޔިތުންނާއި ދައުލަތުގެ ހިމާޔަތުގައި ތިބޭ ބައެއް ކަމަށް ބަޔާންކުރާ މާއްދާއެއް ގާނޫނު އަސާސީގައި އޮންނާތީ، އަސްކަރިއްޔާއިން އެސްޓްރާޑާއަށް ދޭ ތާއީދު ހުއްޓާލާނެ ކަމަށް އިސް ބައެއް މީހުން އިޝާރާތް ކުރިއެވެ.

ސެނެޓުގެ ޝަރީއަތުގައި އެސްޓްރާޑާގެ މައްޗަށް އިތުރު ހެކި ލިބޭނެ ސިޓީއުރައެއް ހުޅުވުމާއި މެދު ނެގުނު ވޯޓެއް 10-11 ވޯޓުން ނިމުނީ ސިޓީއުރަ ނުހުޅުވުމަށެވެ. އެއީ ސެނެޓުގައި އެސްޓްރާޑާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުން ތިބީމައެވެ. ނަމަވެސް މިގޮތަށް ވޯޓު ދިއުމުން ސެނެޓުގެ ރައީސް އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނެވެ. އަދި އަސްކަރިއްޔާގެ އެތައް އިސް ބަޔަކު އެސްޓްރާޑާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރުން ހުއްޓާލިއެވެ. އެސްޓްރާޑާގެ ކެބިނެޓުގެ ދެބައިކުޅަ އެއްބައި މީހުން ވެސް އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނެވެ. އެތައް ސަތޭކަ ހާސް މީހުން އެޑްސާއަށް އެއްވާން ފެށިއެވެ.

މީހުންގެ އަޑު އެސްޓްރާޑާއަކަށް ނީވުނެވެ. އޭނާ ގަނޑުވަރުގައި އިދެ ބުނަމުން ދިޔައީ އިސްތިއުފާ ނުދޭނެ ކަމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އެޑްސާގައި ތިބި މީހުންގެ އަދަދު މިލިޔަނަކަށް އެރުމުން އޭނާ އެއްކަލަ ސިޓީއުރަ ހުޅުވުމަށް އަމުރުކުރާނެ ކަމަށް ބުންޏެވެ. އަސްކަރިއްޔާގެ ތާއީދު އޭނާއަށް ނެތްކަން ރަސްމީކޮށް އެންގުމުން އެސްޓްރާޑާ ޓީވީއަށް އަރާފައި ބުނީ، މޭ މަހު އިންތިހާބެއް ބާއްވާނެ ކަމަށާ އަދި އެ އިންތިހާބުގައި ވާދަނުކުރާނެ ކަމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އަސްކަރިއްޔާއިން ތާއީދު ނުކުރާކަން އަލުން ހާމަކުރުމުން، ފަސް ދުވަހަށް ވިސްނުމުގެ މުހުލަތެއް ދިނުމަށާއި، ގަނޑުވަރުން ނިކުންނަން ފަސް ދުވަސް ދިނުމަށް އެސްޓްރާޑާ އެދުނެވެ.

އެސްޓްރާޑާގެ ހުށަހެޅުންތައް އަނެއްކޮޅުން ގަބޫލުނުކުރުމާއި އަދި އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ގަނޑުވަރާއި ދިމާލަށް އަންނާތީ، އެސްޓްރާޑާއަށް ޖެހުނީ ގަނޑުވަރު ދޫކޮށް އޭނާގެ ގެއަކަށް ދިއުމަށެވެ. އޭގެ މިނިޓުތަކެއް ފަހުން ގްލޯރިޔާ އަރޮއްޔޯ ފިލިޕީންސްގެ 14 ވަނަ ރައީސްގެ ގޮތުގައި ހުވާ ކުރިއެވެ. އެއީ ރައީސްގެ މަގާމު ހުސްކަމަށް ސުޕްރީމް ކޯޓުން ނިންމުމުންނެވެ.

ފަހުން އެސްޓްރާޑާ ބުނީ އޭނާ އިސްތިއުފާއެއް ނުދޭ ކަމަށާއި، އޭނާ ހުރީ ޗުއްޓީއެއްގައި ކަމަށާ، އަރޮއްޔޯ މަގާމު ފުރަމުން ދިޔައީ ވަގުތީ ގޮތުން ކަމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އޭނާއަށް ޖެހުނީ ވެރިކަމުގައި ހުރެގެން ކޮށްފައިވާ ކުށްތަކުގެ ބަދަލުގައި ޝަރީއަތާއި ކުރިމަތިލާށެވެ.

އެސްޓްރާޑާގެ ވެރިކަން ވައްޓާލުމަށް މަގުމައްޗަށް މީހުން ނެރުމުގައި އެންމެ ބޮޑަށް ބޭނުން ކުރެވުނު އެކައްޗަކީ އެސްއެމްއެސް އެވެ. ފިލިޕީންސަކީ ދުނިޔޭގައި އެންމެ ގިނަ އަދަދަކަށް އެސްއެމްއެސް ބޭނުންކުރާ ގައުމު ކަމަށް ބެލެވެއެވެ.

ސަރބިއާ އޮކްޓޯބަރ 2000

މުޅި ބަލްކަން ސަރަހައްދު ނަސްލީ ހަނގުރާމައަކަށް ވެއްޓިގެން ދިއުމުގެ އެއް ސަބަބު ކަމަށްވާ ސްލޮބޮޑާން މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ އަނިޔާވެރި ވެރިކަން ނިމިގެން ދިޔައީ އޮކްޓޯބަރ 2000 ގައި ރައްޔިތުން އޭނާގެ ވެރިކަމާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ތެދުވުމުންނެވެ. އެއީ ރިޔާސީ އިންތިހާބެއްގައި އޭނާ މަކަރު ހަދައި އިދިކޮޅު ލީޑަރ ކޮސްޓުނީޗާ އަށް ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނުކަން ގަބޫލުކުރަން އިދިކޮޅު ހެދުމުންނެވެ.

27 ސެޕްޓެމްބަރ ގައި ސަރުކާރާއި އިދިކޮޅު އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ބެލްގްރޭޑާއި އެހެން ސިޓީތަކުގެ މަގުމައްޗަށް ނިކުމެ މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ އިސްތިއުފާއަށް ގޮވަން ފެށިއެވެ. 2 އޮކްޓޯބަރ ގައި ސަރބިއާގައި އާންމު ހަޅުތާލެއް ފެށުނެވެ. ސްކޫލްތަކާއި މަގުތައް ބަންދުކުރެވުނެވެ. ކުރިން މިލޯސެވިޗަށް ތާއީދުކުރަމުން އައި މައިނަރުން އިދިކޮޅު ހަރަކާތަށް ތާއީދުކުރާކަން ދެއްކުމަށް މަސައްކަތް ހުއްޓާލިއެވެ. ދެވަނަ ފަހަރަށް ވޯޓުލުން ބޭއްވުމުގެ ކުރިން ވެރިކަމުން ނުފައިބާނެ ކަމަށް މިލޯސެވިޗް އެންގިއެވެ.

4 އޮކްޓޯބަރ ގައި ބެލްގްރޭޑާއި 40 ކިލޯމީޓަރ ދުރުގައިވާ މައިނަކަށް ފުލުހުން އަރައިގަތެވެ. މުޒާހަރާކުރާ މީހުން ހައްޔަރުކުރަން ފުލުހުން އުޅެނިކޮށް ކޮސްޓުނީޗާ އެތަނަށް ދިޔައެވެ. އޭނާއަށް މީހުން މަރުހަބާ ކިޔަން ފެށިއެވެ. އަދި ހަޅުތާލު ރަށްފުށުގެ ހުރިހާ ހިސާބަކަށް ފެތުރިގެން ދިޔައެވެ. ޔޫގޯސްލޭވިއާގެ ކޮންސްޓިޓިއުޝަނަލް ކޯޓުން ނިންމީ އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ ބާތިލްވީ ކަމަށާ މިލޯސެވިޗް އޭނާގެ ޓާމުގެ ފަހު އަހަރު ނިމެންދެން ހުރުމަށްފަހު 2001 ގައި އަލުން އިންތިހާބު ބޭއްވުމަށެވެ. ކޯޓުގެ ނިންމުން އިދިކޮޅު
ފަރާތްތަކުން ގަބޫލެއް ނުކުރިއެވެ.

5 އޮކްޓޯބަރގައި އެދުވަހު ތިނެއް ޖަހަންވާއިރަށް އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނުމަށް މުހުލަތެއް އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކުން މިލޯސެވިޗަށް ދިނެވެ. އަދި ބެލްގްރޭޑްގެ މެދުގައި ބޮޑު އެއްވުމެއް ބޭއްވުމަށް ގޮވާލިއެވެ. އެދުވަހު ފަތިހު ދަނޑުވެރިންނާއި، މައިނަރުންނާއި، އަދި އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ސަރބިއާގެ އެކި ސިޓީތަކާއި ޓައުންތަކުން ބެލްގްރޭޑާއި ދިމާލަށް އަންނަން ފެށިއެވެ. ފުލުހުން މަގުބަންދުކޮށްފައި ވަނިކޮށް ފަޅާލާފައި ވެސް އަންނަން ފެށިއެވެ.

މެންދުރު ބެލްގްރޭޑްގައި ޕާލަމެންޓް އިމާރާތް ބަލަހައްޓަން ތިބި ފުލުހުންނާއި މުޒާހާރާ ކުރާ މީހުންނާއި ދެމެދު ކުރިމަތިލުމެއް ހިގިއެވެ. ވައިގެ ތެރެއަށް ބަޑި ޖެހުމާއި އެކު، މީހުންގެ ތެރެއަށް ކަރުނަ ގޭސް ޖެހިއެވެ. ކަރުނަ ގޭހުގެ ސަބަބުން މީހުން ކޮންމެވެސް ވަރަކަށް ރޫޅިގެން ދިޔަ ނަމަވެސް، ބެލްގްރޭޑަށް ގިނަ އަދަދެއްގެ މީހުން ދިޔައީ ޖަމާވަމުންނެވެ.

މުޒާހަރާ ކުރި މީހުން ފުލުހުންގެ ދުއްވާތަކެތި އަންދަން ފެށުމުން އެގުނީ ފުލުހުން އިތުރަށް ތަޅާފޮޅަން ބޭނުން ނޫން ކަމެވެ. ކިތަންމެ ފުލުހަކު ދަޑިބުރި ހޫރާލައި އެނބުރި ދިޔައެވެ. ހަތިޔާރު އަޅައިގެން ތިބި ފުލުހުން އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކާއި ބައިވެރިވުމުން އެމީހުންނަށް ވަރަށް ހޫނު މަރުހަބާއެއް ކިޔެމުން ދިޔައެވެ.

ތިނެއް ޖަހަން ދެން ދީފައި އޮތް މުހުލަތު ހަމަވީއިރު ވެސް މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ ހަބަރެއް ވެސް ނުވެއެވެ. ހަވީރު މުޒާހަރާ ކުރާ މީހުން ޕާލަމެންޓް އިމާރާތް ހިފައިފިއެވެ. ފުލުހުންގެ ތެރެއިން ބައެއް މީހުން ފިލައި އަނެއް ބަޔަކު ހަތިޔާރު ބެހެއްޓީއެވެ. އިމާރާތުގެ ބައެއް ތަންތަން ލޫޓުވައި އަންދާލިއެވެ. ޕާލަމެންޓު އިމާރާތުގެ ކައިރީ ބިންމަތީގައި ހުރީ އިންތިހާބު އޮޅުވާލުމަށް ތައްޔާރުކޮށްފައި މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ ނަމާއި ދިމާލަށް ބޮޅު އަޅާފައި ހުރި އެތައް ކަރުދާހެކެވެ.

ދައުލަތުގެ ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަނަށް މީހުންގެ ލޯ އަމާޒުވިއެވެ. އެތާގައި ތަޅާފޮޅުން ހިގުމަށްފަހު އެންމެ ފަހުން ޓީވީ ސްކްރީންތައް ކަޅުވިއެވެ. އެ އިމާރާތް ވެސް ރޯކޮށްލިއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ފަހުން އާ ނަމެއްގައި ޓްރާންސްމިޝަން ފެށުނެވެ.

6.30 ގައި ކޮސްޓުނީޗާ ބައި މިލިޔަން މީހުންނާއި ބެލްގްރޭޑް ސިޓީ ހޯލުގެ ބެލްކަނީގައި ހުރެ މުހާތަބުކޮށް ސަރބިއާ މިނިވަންވީ ކަމަށާއި، އޭނާ ޔޫގޯސްލޭވިއާގެ ރައީސަކަށް ވުމުގެ ފަހުރު ހޯދާ ކަމަށް އިއުލާންކުރިއެވެ. ރޭގަނޑުގެ ވަގުތުތަކުގައި ބެލްގްރޭޑްގެ މަގުތަކަށް މީހުން އެއްވެ އުފާ ފާޅުކޮށް، ލަވަކިޔައި ނެށިއެވެ. މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ 13 އަހަރުގެ ވެރިކަން އެންމެ 12 ގަޑިއިރު ތެރޭ ނިމިގެން ދިޔަކަން އެމީހުންނަށް ގަބޫލުކުރަން ވެސް ދަތިވިއެވެ.

ދައުލަތުގެ ހަޒާނާ ވެސް ލޫޓުވާލާފައިވާކަމަށް ބެލެވޭ މިލޯސެވިޗަށް ޖެހުނީ ދަ ހޭގްގައި ޝަރީއަތާއި ކުރިމަތިލާށެވެ.

ޖޯޖިއާ ނޮވެމްބަރ 2003

ފިނިފެންމާ އިންގިލާބު

ޖޯޖިއާގައި 2 ނޮވެމްބަރ 2003 ގައި އޮތް އިންތިހާބު އޮޅުވާލި ކަމަށް ޝައްކު ކުރެވުނު ހިސާބުން ފެށުނު މުޒާހަރާތައް ނިމގެން ދިޔައީ ރޯޒް ރިވޮލިއުޝަން ނުވަތަ ފިނިފެންމާ އިންގިލާބުންނެވެ. ޖޯޖިއާގައި ރައްޔިތުން އެޑުއަޑް ޝެވަނާޒޭގެ ވެރިކަމުގެ ދަށުގައި ތަހައްމަލު ކުރަމުން ދިޔައީ ފަގީރުކަމެވެ. ޝެވަނާޒޭ އާއި އޭނާގެ އާއިލާއާއި މެދު އޭރު ވަނީ ކަރަޕްޝަންގެ ތުހުމަތުތައް ވެސް ފެންމަތިވެފައެވެ.

އޮޅުވާލުމާއި މަކަރުހެދުން އޮތް މި އިންތިހާބަށްފަހު އިދިކޮޅު ލީޑަރެއް ކަމަށްވާ މީހާއީލް ސާކަޝްވިލީ ބުނީ ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނީ ހަގީގަތުގައި އޭނާއަށް ކަމަށެވެ. އަދި އޭނާ ރައްޔިތުންނަށް ގޮވާލީ ޝެވަނާޒޭގެ ސަރުކާރާއި ދެކޮޅަށް މުޒާހަރާކޮށް ސުލްހަވެރި މަދަނީ ބަސްނޭހުމުގެ ފިޔަވަޅުތައް އެޅުމަށެވެ. ޑިމޮކްރެސީ ގަބޫލުކުރާ މައިގަނޑު ހުރިހާ އިދިކޮޅު ޕާޓީތައް ވެސް ޝެވަނާޒޭގެ ސަރުކާރާއި ދެކޮޅަށް އަދި އަލުން އިންތިހާބު ބޭއްވުމަށް އެއްބަސްވިއެވެ.

ނޮވެމްބަރ މަހުގެ މެދުތެރޭގައި ޖޯޖިއާގެ ވެރިރަށުގެ މަގުތައް މަތީގައި ފެށުނު މުޒާހަރާތައް ބޮޑެތި ހުރިހާ ސިޓީއަކަށް ފެތުރިގެން ދިޔައެވެ. ސަރބިއާގައި މިލޯސެވިޗް ވައްޓާލުމަށް ހަރަކާތްތެރިވި އޮޓްޕޯ ޖަމާއަތް ނަމޫނާއަކަށް ބަލައިގެން އުފައްދާފައިވާ ކްމާރާ (ފުދިއްޖެ) ނަމަކަށް ކިޔާ ޒުވާނުން ހިމެނޭ ޖަމާއަތެއް މި މުޒާހަރާތަކުގައި ވަރަށް ބޮޑަށް ހަރަކާތްތެރިވިއެވެ.

22 ނޮވެމްބަރަކީ އާ ޕާލަމެންޓް ހުޅުވަން އޮތް ދުވަހެވެ. އެ ދުވަހު އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުން ފިނިފެންމާ ހިފައިގެން ތިބެ ޕާލަމެންޓްގެ އިމާރާތަށް ވަދެގަނެ ޝެވަނާޒޭ ވާހަކަދައްކަން ހުއްޓާ ހުއްޓުވާލިއެވެ. ޝެވަނާޒޭއަށް ޖެހުނީ ބޮޑީގާޑުންގެ ހިމާޔަތުގައި އެތަނުން ފިލާށެވެ. އޭނާ ފަހުން އިމަޖެންސީ އިއުލާނުކޮށްފައި އޭނާ ހުންނަ ގޭގެ ކައިރިއަށް ސިފައިން ޖަމާކުރަން ފެށިއެވެ. އަދި މުޒާހަރާ ހުއްޓުމަށް 48 ގަޑިއިރުގެ މުހުލަތެއް ދީފައި ސިފައިންނަށް މުޒާހަރާކުރާ މީހުންނާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ހަރުކަށި ފިޔަވަޅު އަޅަން އެންގިއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ސިފައިންގެ އެންމެ އިސް ފަރާތްތަކުން ސަރުކާރާއި އެއްބައިވުމަށް ދެކޮޅު ހެދިއެވެ. އަދި ނެޝަނަލް ގާޑްގައި ހިމެނޭ ސިފައިންގެ ބަޔަކު ވެސް އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކާއި ބައިވެރިވިއެވެ.

ސާކަޝްވިލީ ފަހުން ސީއެންއެން އަށް ކިޔައިދިން ގޮތުގައި ވެސް ސިފައިން ސަރުކާރުގެ ކޮޅު ދޫކޮށްލި ވަގުތަކީ ހުރިހާކަމެއް ބަދަލުވެގެން ދިޔަ ވަގުތުކޮޅެކެވެ.

23 ނޮވެމްބަރ ގައި ރަޝިޔާގެ އިސް ނެގުމުގެ މަތިން ޝެވަނާޒޭ އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކާއި އެކު ވާހަކަދައްކަން ފެށިއެވެ. ވާހަކަތަކުގެ ނަތީޖާއެއްގެ ގޮތުން ޝެވަނާޒޭ އިސްތިއުފާ އިއުލާންކުރިއެވެ. ލައްކައަކަށްވުރެ ގިނަ މީހުން މަގުމަތީގައި ހަވާ އަރުވައި، މިއުޒިކް ކޮންސަޓްތައް ބާއްވައި، އުފާ ފާޅުކުރިއެވެ.

“އަހަރެންނަށް ގަބޫލުކުރެވޭ މިހުރިހާ ކަމެއް ކުރިޔަށް ދިއުން އެއީ ރަގަޅު ގޮތެއް ނޫންކަން. އަހަރެންގެ ބާރުތައް ބޭނުންކުރަން މާދަމާ ޖެހިއްޖެނަމަ އޭގެ ސަބަބުން ބޮޑެތި ލޭއޮހޮރުވުން އުފެދޭނެ. އަހަރެން ދުވަހަކު ވެސް އަހަރެންގެ ގައުމަށް ހިޔާނާތްތެރި ނުވަން. ވީމާ އެންމެ ރަގަޅު ގޮތަކީ ރައީސް އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނުން.” ޝެވަނާޒޭގެ 11 އަހަރުގެ ވެރިކަން ނިމިގެން ދިޔަ ވަގުތު ޓީވީއަށް އަރާ ބުންޏެވެ.

ކުރީގައި ބޭއްވި އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ ބާތިލް ކަމަށް ސުޕްރީމް ކޯޓުން ނިންމިއެވެ. އަދި އާ އިންތިހާބެއް ބޭއްވެންދެން ވަގުތީ ރައީސެއް ހޮވިއެވެ. ޖެނުއަރީ 2004 ގައި ބޭއްވި އާ ރިޔާސީ އިންތިހާބުގައި ބޮޑު އަޣުލަބިއްޔަތަކުން ކުރި ލިބުނީ ސާކަޝްވިލީ އަށެވެ. އަދި މާޗް 2004 ގައި ބޭއްވި އާ ޕާލަމެންޓަރީ އިންތިހާބު ކާމިޔާބުކުރީ ވެސް އޭނާގެ ޕާޓީއެވެ.

ޔޫކްރޭން 2004-2005

އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބު

އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބަކީ ޔޫކްރޭންގައި 21 ނޮވެމްބަރ 2004 ގައި ރައީސަކު ހޮވުމަށް ބޭއްވި އިންތިހާބުގެ ދެވަނަ ބުރާއި ވިދިގެން، އިންތިހާބުގައި އޮޅުވާލާފައިވާ ކަމުގެ ތުހުމަތުތަކާއިއެކު އުފެދުނު މުޒާހަރާތަކާއި، ދެކޮޅު ހެދުމުގެ ހަރަކާތްތަކުން އުފަންވި އިންގިލާބެކެވެ.

ޔޫކްރޭންގެ ގާނޫނު ބުނާގޮތުން އިންތިހާބުގެ ދެވަނަ ބުރެއް ބާއްވަން ޖެހުނީ އޮކްޓޯބަރ 2004 ގައި ބޭއްވި އިންތިހާބުގައި އެއްވެސް ކެންޑިޑޭޓަކަށް އަޣުލަބިއްޔަތު ނުލިބިގެންނެވެ. ދެން ޖެހެނީ އެންމެ ގިނައިން ވޯޓު ލިބުނު ދެ ކެންޑިޑޭޓުން ހިމަނައިގެން ދެވަނަ ބުރެއް ބާއްވައި ހޮވޭ މީހާ ރައީސަކަށް ހޮވާށެވެ.

ދެވަނަ ބުރުގައި ކުރި ލިބޭނެ ކަމަށް ބެލެވިފައި އޮތީ އިދިކޮޅު ލީޑަރ ވިކްޓަރ ޔުޝެންކޯ އަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ރަސްމީ ނަތީޖާތަކުން އިއުލާންކުރީ 3 ޕަސެންޓުގެ ތަފާތަކާއި އެކު ކުރީގެ ބޮޑުވަޒީރު ވިކްޓަރ ޔަނުކޮވިޗް ކާމިޔާބު ކުރި ކަމަށެވެ. އިންތިހާބުގައި މަކަރު ހަދާފައިވާ ކަމުގެ ހެކިތައް ޔުޝެންކޯ ގެ ފަރާތުން ހާމަކުރުމާއި އެކުގައި، އެމީހުންނަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުންނަށް އެއްވުންތައް ބާއްވަން ގޮވާލިއެވެ.

22 ނޮވެމްބަރ އިން ފެށިގެން ޔޫކްރޭންގެ އެކި ސިޓީތަކުގައި ބޮޑެތި މުޒާހަރާތައް ފެށުނެވެ. ވެރިރަށް ކިއެވްގެ މިނިވަންކަމުގެ މައިދާނަށް އެއްވެފައި ތިބި 500،000 އަށްވުރެ ގިނަ މީހުން 23 ނޮވެމްބަރ ގައި ޔޫކްރޭންގެ ޕާލަމެންޓު އިމާރާތް ކުރިމަތީގައި ހިގާލުމެއް ބޭއްވިއެވެ. ގިނަމީހުން ތިބީ އޮރެންޖް ކުލައިގެ ހެދުމުގައި ނުވަތަ އޮރެންޖް ދިދައެއް ހިފައިގެންނެވެ. އޮރެންޖު ކުލައަކީ ޔުޝެންކޯ ކެމްޕޭނުގައި ބޭނުންކުރި ކުލައެވެ.

ޔުޝެންކޯ ރައީސްކަމުގެ ހުވާ ރަމްޒީ ގޮތުން ކުރިއެވެ. އެއީ އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ އެއްގޮތަކަށް ވެސް ގަބޫލު ނުކުރާކަން ހާމަކޮށް އެމީހުންގެ ހިތްވަރު އާކުރުމުގެ ގޮތުންނެވެ. ހަމަ އެއާއިއެކު އިރުމަތީ އަދި ދެކުނު ޔޫކްރޭންގައި ތިބި ޔަނުކޮވިޗަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުން ތިބީ އެމީހުންގެ ކެންޑިޑޭޓު ރައީސަކަށް ނުހޮވިއްޖެނަމަ ޔޫކްރޭނުން ވަކިވާން ވެސް ތައްޔާރަށެވެ. މިގޮތުން ޔޫކްރޭން ބައިބައިވެދާނެ ކަމުގެ ބިރު ވެސް އޮތެވެ. ޔަނުކޮވިޗަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުން މުޒާހަރާ ކުރުމަށްޓަކައި ވެރިރަށް ކިއެވްއަށް ވެސް އައެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ކިއެވްގައި ތިބި ޔުޝެންކޯއަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުންނާއި، އަދި އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާއާއި މެދުގައި ހިތްހަމަނުޖެހިގެން ކިއެވްއަށް މުޒާހަރާ ކުރަން އަންނަ މީހުންގެ އަދަދު މާގިނައެވެ. ކިއެވްގެ މަގުތަކުގައި ފިނި މޫސުމުގެ އެންމެ ގަދަފިނީގައި، ބައެއް ދުވަސް ދުވަހު އެއް މިލިޔަނަށް ވުރެ ގިނަ މީހުން މަގުތަކަށް އެއްވި ކަމަށް ވެއެވެ.

ވަކިވާ ރައީސް ލިއޮނައިޑް ކުޗްމާ އާއި އެކު ޔުޝެންކޯ ވާހަކަ ދެއްކި ނަމަވެސް އެވާހަކަތައް ވީ ބޭކާރެވެ. ރަސްމީގޮތުން ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނީ ޔަނުކޮވިޗަށް ކަން އިއުލާން ކުރުމާއިއެކު 24 ނޮވެމްބަރ ގެ ހެނދުނު ޔުޝެންކޯ ކިއެވްގައި އޭނާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުންނަށް ގޮވާލީ އާންމު ހަޅުތާލުތަކާއި، އިށީދެގެން ތިބުމާއި، މިފަދަ ހަރަކާތްތަކުން ސަރުކާރު އިނދަޖައްސާލައި ސަރުކާރަށް ބަލި ގަބޫލުކުރަން މަޖުބޫރު ކުރުމަށެވެ. އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބެއް ފެށުމަށެވެ.

1 ޑިސެމްބަރ ގައި ޔޫކްރޭންގެ ޕާލަމެންޓުން ގައުމު ބައިބައިކުރުމުގެ ހިޔާލުތައް ކުށްވެރިކޮށްފައި އަދި ޔޫކްރޭންގެ ކެބިނެޓް މިނިސްޓަރުންނާއި މެދު އިތުބާރު ނެތްކަމުގެ ގަރާރެއް ފާސް ކުރިއެވެ. ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ ބުނާގޮތުން މި ވޯޓުގެ ސަބަބުން ސަރުކާރު އިސްތިއުފާ ދޭން ޖެހެއެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ޔަނުކޮވިޗާއި ކުޗްމާގެ އެއްބާރުލުން ނެތި ޕާލަމެންޓަކަށް މި ގަރާރު ތަންފީޒު ކުރެވޭނެ ގޮތެއް ނެތެވެ.

3 ޑިސެމްބަރ ގައި ސުޕްރީމް ކޯޓުން ގޮތެއް ނިންމިއެވެ. އިންތިހާބުގައި މަކަރު ހަދާފައިވާ މިންވަރުގެ ބޮޑުކަމުން އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ ބާތިލްކޮށް ދެވަނަ ބުރުގެ ވޯޓުލުން އަލުން ބޭއްވުމަށެވެ. އަދި 8 ޑިސެމްބަރގައި މި އިންތިހާބަށް މަގުފަހިވާގޮތަށް ޕާލަމެންޓުން ގާނޫނުތައް އިސްލާހުކުރިއެވެ. އަދި މިއިންތިހާބު ފަސޭހަކަމާއި އެކު ޔުޝެންކޯ ކާމިޔާބުކޮށް ރަސްމީ ގޮތުން އޭނާއަށް ކާމިޔާބު ލިބުނު ކަން 28 ޑިސެމްބަރ ގައި އިއުލާން ކުރެވުނެވެ.

ބުނެވޭ ގޮތުގައި އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބުގެ ތެރޭގައި ޔޫކްރޭންގެ ސަލާމަތީ ބާރުތަކުން ރައްޔިތުންގެ ނިންމުންތަކަށް އިހުތިރާމް ކޮށް ރައްޔިތުންނާއި އެއްބައިވުމުގެ ނަމޫނާއެއް ދެއްކިއެވެ. އިންޓާނަލް މިނިސްޓްރީގެ ސިފައިންގެ 10،000 މީހުން ކިއެވްގައި މުޒާހާރާކުރާ މީހުންނާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ހަރުކަށި ފިޔަވަޅު އަޅަން ނެރެން އުޅެނިކޮށް އެކަން ހުއްޓުވީ ސިއްރު ފުލުހުންނާއި އިންޓެލިޖެންސްގެ އިސް ވެރިންގެ މަސައްކަތުން ކަމަށް ވެއެވެ. ގައުމު އަހުލީ ހަނގުރާމައަކާއި ދިމާލަށް ނުވަތަ ބޮޑު ލޭއޮހޮރުވަމަކާއި ދިމާލަށް ދިޔަ ނުދޭން އަސްކަރީ މީހުން ވަރަށް މަސައްކަތް ކުރި ކަމީ އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބުގެ ކާމިޔާބުގެ އެއް ސިއްރެވެ.

ސަރބިއާގައި މިލޯސެވިޗްގެ ވެރިކަން ވެއްޓުމާއި ޖޯޖިއާގެ ފިނިފެންމާ އިންގިލާބު އެއީ ކުއްލި ހަރަކާތްތަކެއް ކަމަށް ހީވިޔަސް އެއީ އެތައް ދުވަހެއްގެ މަސައްކަތާއި، އިދިކޮޅު މީހުން އެއްގަލަކަށް އެރުވުމުގެ ހަރަކާތްތަކާއި އަދި އެންމެ އާންމު ރައްޔިތުން ހޭލުންތެރި ކުރުވުމުގެ ކެމްޕޭނުތަކުގެ ނަތީޖާއެވެ. މިހުރިހާ ހަރަކާތެއްގައި ވެސް ކިޔަވާކުދިންގެ ދައުރު ފުޅަލެވެ. ސަރބިއާގައި އޮޓްޕޯ އެވެ. ޖޯޖިއާގައި ކްމާރާއެވެ. ޔޫކްރޭންގައި އެ ހަރަކާތުގެ ނަމަކީ ޕޯރާ (ވަގުތަކީ މިއީ) އެވެ. އޮރެންޖް އިންގިލާބަކީ އިބްރަތުން ފުރިގެންވާ ނަމޫނާ އިންގިލާބެކެވެ.

ކިރްގިސްތާން 2005

ޓިއުލިޕް އިންގިލާބު

ޓިއުލިޕް އިންގިލާބަކީ 2005 ގައި އޮތް އާންމު އިންތިހާބާއި ވިދިގެން ރައީސް އަސްކަރު އަކަޔެވް ގެ ވެރިކަން ވައްޓާލި އިންގިލާބެވެ. އަކަޔެވްއަކީ ގިނަމީހުންގެ ނަޒަރުގައި އޭރު ވަރަށް ކަރަޕްޓް އަދި ހުދުމުހުތާރު މީހެކެވެ.

އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ އިއުލާން ކޮށް ނުނިމެނީސް މުޒާހަރާތައް ފެށިއްޖެއެވެ. 18 މާޗްގައި އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން ޖަލާލްއާބާދުގެ ގަވަރނަރގެ އޮފީހާއި އޮޝް ކިޔާ ރަށެއްގައި ހުރި ސަރުކާރުގެ އިމާރާތެއް ހިފައިފިއެވެ. އަދި ޓޮކްޓޯގަލް ކިޔާ ދެކުނުގެ ރަށެއްގައި ވޯޓު އޮޅުވާލި ކަމަށް ޝައްކުކުރެވޭ ދެ އޮފިޝަލަކު ހިފާ ހައްޔަރުކުރެވުނެވެ.

20 މާޗްގައި ފުލުހުން އެ އިމާރާތްތައް އަތުލައިގަތުމަށް ބާރުގެ ބޭނުން ކުރަން އުޅުނެވެ. މުޒާހަރާކުރި މީހުންނާއި ފުލުހުންނަށް ވެސް އަނިޔާވިއެވެ. ފަހުން ޖަލާލްއާބާދުގައި މީހުން އަނެއްކާ ވެސް އެ އިމާރާތް ހިފިއެވެ. ކައިރީގައި ހުރި ފުލުސް ސްޓޭޝަނަކަށް މީހުން ގަލުން ހަމަލާ ދޭން ފެށިއެވެ.

21 މާޗްގައި އޮޝްގައި ރައްޔިތުން ފުލުސް ސްޓޭޝަނަކާއި، ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަނަކާއި، އެއަރޕޯޓާއި އެހެން އިމާރާތެއް ވެސް ހިފައިފިއެވެ. 22 މާޗްގައި ޕުލްގަން ކިޔާ ރަށެއްގައި ވެސް މީހުން ސަރުކާރުގެ އިމާރާތެއް ހިފައިފިއެވެ. 23 މާޗްގައި ވެރިރަށް ބިޝްކެކް ގައި މުޒާހަރާ ފެށުނެވެ. މުޒާހަރާ ބޮޑު ނުވަނީސް ފުލުހުން ރޫޅާލައި ބައެއް މީހުން ގައިގައި ތަޅާ، މުޒާހަރާ އިންތިޒާމު ކުރި އެތައް ބަޔަކު ހައްޔަރުކުރިއެވެ. އޭގެތެރޭ ނޫސްވެރިންނާއި، އަމިއްލަ ޖަމްއިއްޔާތަކުގެ މެންބަރުންނާއި، ލިޔުންތެރިންނާއި، ޒުވާން ހަރަކާތްތަކުގެ މެންބަރުން ހިމެނުނެވެ.

ޖޯޖިއާ އާއި ޔޫކްރޭން ގައި ސަރުކާރާއި އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތައް ވަރަށް ގުޅިގެން މަސައްކަތް ކުރި ނަމަވެސް ކިރްގިސްތާނުގައި އެފަދަ އެއްބައިވުން ކުޑަ ކަން ވެސް ފާހަގަ ކުރެވުނެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ކޮންމެވެސް ވަރަކަށް ގުޅުމެއް އުފެދުމާއި އެކުގައި 23 މާޗް ވީއިރު މުޅި ކިރްގިސްތާނަށް މުޒާހަރާތައް ފެތުރިއްޖެއެވެ.

24 މާޗް ގައި ބިޝްކެކްގައި ސަރުކާރުގެ މައި އިމާރާތުގެ ކުރިމައްޗަށް އެތައް ހާސް މީހުން އެއްވެއްޖެއެވެ. އެއްވުމުގެ ކުރީގައި ތިބި ޒުވާނުންނަށް ސަލާމަތީ ބާރުތަކާއި ސަރުކާރަށް ހަމްދަރުދީވާ މީހުން ހަމަލާ ދޭން ފެށުމުން ފަހަތުގައި ތިބި މީހުންތައް ކުރިޔަށް ޖެހި، ގިނަ އަދަދެއްގެ ބަޔަކު އިމާރާތުގެ ތެރެއަށް ވަދެގަތެވެ. އަދި ދައުލަތުގެ ޓީވީ ސްޓޭޝަން ވެސް މީހުން ހިފައިފިއެވެ. ފުލުހުންނާއި މުޒާހަރާ ކުރި މީހުންނާއި ގިނަ ކުރިމަތިލުންތަކެއް ހިގި ނަމަވެސް މީހުންގެ އަދަދު ގިނަކަމުން މުޒާހަރާ ހުއްޓުވޭ ގޮތެއް ނުވިއެވެ.

ހަމަ އެދުވަހު އަކަޔެވް ހެލިކޮޕްޓަރުގައި އާއިލާ ގޮވައިގެން ފިލައިގެން ކަޒަކްސްތާނަށް ގޮސްފައި އެތަނުން މޮސްކޯއަށް ދިޔައެވެ. ބޮޑު ވަޒީރު އިސްތިއުފާ ދީ، ފުލުހުން ފިލައި ނުވަތަ މުޒާހަރާ ކުރާ މީހުންނާއި ބައިވެރިވިއެވެ. ސަރުކާރުގެ އިމާރާތްތައް އިދިކޮޅު މީހުންގެ ބާރުގެ ދަށަށް އައެވެ. އަދި ކުރީގެ އިންތިހާބުގެ ނަތީޖާ ބާތިލް ކަމުގައި ސުޕްރީމް ކޯޓުން ނިންމިއެވެ.

އެވަގުތު ގާނޫނާއި ގަވާއިދު ތަންފީޒު ނުކުރެވުމުގެ ސަބަބުން ލޫޓުވުމާއި އިމާރާތްތަކުގައި ހުޅުޖެހުން ފަދަ އަމަލުތައް ހިގިއެވެ. 25 މާޗް ވީއިރު 3 މީހަކު މަރުވި ހަބަރު ލިބުނެވެ. 26 މާޗްގައި އަކަޔެވް އަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ މީހުން ހަތިޔާރާއި އެކުގައި ވެރިރަށަށް ވަންނަން އުޅުނެވެ. ނަމަވެސް އެމީހުންނަށް މާބޮޑު ތާއީދެއް ނެތްކަން އެގުމުން އަނބުރާ ދިޔައީއެވެ. އެމީހުން އެކަންތައް ކުރަން އުޅުނީ އަކަޔެވް ގެ ވެރިކަމުގައި މިނިސްޓަރުންގެ ގޮތުގައި ހިމެނުނު ދެމީހެއްގެ އަމުރަށެވެ.

2 އެޕްރީލްގައި އަކަޔެވް އިސްތިއުފާ ދޭން އެއްބަސް ވެއްޖެއެވެ. އޭރު ކޮންމެވެސް މިންވަރަކަށް ހަމަނުޖެހުންތައް ކޮންޓްރޯލް ވެއްޖެއެވެ. ކިރްގިސްތާނުގެ ވަފުދެއް އަކަޔެވް އިސްތިއުފާ ދިން ކަމުގެ ސޮއި ހޯދަން މޮސްކޯއަށް ދިޔައެވެ.

ލެބަނަން 2005

ސެޑާރ އިންގިލާބު

14 ފެބްރުއަރީ 2005 ގައި ކާރު ބޮމުގެ ހަމަލައެއްގައި ލެބަނަން ގެ ކުރީގެ ބޮޑުވަޒީރު ރަފީގު ހަރީރީ އަވަހާރަކޮށްލެވުނެވެ. މި ހަމަލާގެ ސަބަބުން ބައިބައިވެފައިވާ ލެބަނަންގެ މުޖުތަމައު ބޮޑަށް އެއްބައިވެ މުޒާހަރާތައް ފެށުނެވެ. ހަރީރީ އަވަހާރަކުރުމުގެ ފަހަތުގައި ސީރިޔާގެ އަތެއް ވާ ކަމަށް ތުހުމަތު ކުރެވުނެވެ. އޭގެ ފަހުގައި ސީރިޔާ ސިފައިން ލެބަނަންގައި ތިބުމާއި ދެކޮޅަށް މުޒާހަރާތައް ބޭރޫތުގެ ޝަހީދުންގެ މައިދާން (ބައެއް މީހުން ނަން ދިން ގޮތުގައި މިނިވަންކަމުގެ މައިދާން) ގައި ކުރިޔަށް ދިޔައެވެ.

ކޮންމެ ދުވަހަކު މުޒާހަރާ ބާއްވަން ފެށުމާއެކު 25،000 މީހުން މުޒާހަރާގައި ބައިވެރިވެއެވެ. 1990 ގެ އަހަރުތަކުގައި ސީރިޔާއާއި ދެކޮޅަށް ކުރާ މުޒާހަރާތަކުގައި އާންމުކޮށް ބައިވެރިވަނީ ކްރިސްޓިއަނުން ކަމަށް ވިޔަސް 2005 ގެ މުޒާހަރާގައި ތަފާތު ނަސްލުތަކާއި ދީންތަކުގެ މީހުން ބައިވެރިވިއެވެ. 28 ފެބްރުއަރީގައި ސީރިޔާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ ބޮޑު ވަޒީރު އުމަރު ކަރާމީ އިސްތިއުފާ ދިނެވެ. ނަމަވެސް މިވަރުން ވެސް މީހުންނަކަށް ނުފުދުނެވެ. މީހުން ގޮވަމުން ދިޔައީ ސީރިޔާ ސިފައިން ލެބަނަން އިން ބޭލުމަށެވެ.

ސީރިޔާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރާ ހިޒްބުﷲ ޖަމާއަތުން ގޮވާލައިގެން ސީރިޔާއަށް ތާއީދުކުރުމުގެ ގޮތުން ވެސް ލެބަނަންގައި މުޒާހަރާއެއް ބޭއްވުނެވެ. މި މުޒާހަރާގައި ފަސް ލައްކަ އާއި މިލިޔަނަކާއި ދެމެދުގެ އަދަދެއްގެ މީހުން ބައިވެރިވިއެވެ. ދެން އަނެއްކާ ވެސް އުމަރު ކަރާމީ ބޮޑު ވަޒީރަކަށް އައްޔަން ކުރެވުނެވެ. އަދި އޭޕްރީލް2005 ގައި އިންތިހާބު ބޭއްވެންދެން ސަރުކާރުގައި ބައިވެރިވެގެން ތިބުމަށް އިދިކޮޅު ފަރާތްތަކަށް ގޮވާލެވުނެވެ.

ހަރީރީގެ މަރަށް އެއް މަސް ފުރުނު ދުވަހު، 14 މާޗްގައި، ލެބަނަންގެ ތަފާތު ދީންތަކުގެ ތަފާތު ނަސްލުތަކުގެ މީހުން ބޭރޫތުގެ މެދަށް އެއްވިއެވެ. ގައުމުގެ ތަފާތު ކަންކޮޅުތަކުން އައި ބައެއް މީހުންނަށް ދުއްވާ އެއްޗެތި ގިނަ ކަމުން ބޭރޫތަށް ނުވެސް ވަދެވުނެވެ. ލެބަނަންގެ ފިއުޗަރ ޓީވީގެ ގޮވާލުމަކަށް އިންތިޒާމުކުރެވުނު މި މުޒާހަރާގައި މިލިޔަނަކަށްވުރެ ގިނަ މީހުން ބައިވެރިވީ ކަމަށް ވެއެވެ. މީހުން އެދެމުން ދިޔައީ ހަރީރީގެ މަރު ތަހުގީގު ކުރުމަށާއި، ސަލާމަތީ ބާރުތަކުގައި ހިމެނޭ ސީރިޔާގެ މަދަދު ލިބޭ ވެރިން ވަޒީފާއިން ވަކި ކުރުމަށާއި، ސީރިޔާ ސިފައިން ބޭލުމަށެވެ. މި މުޒާހަރާގެ އެންމެ މުހިއްމު ޝިއާރަކަށްވީ ލެބަނަންގެ އެއްބައިވަންތަކަމެވެ.

އެންމެ ފަހުން 30 އަހަރު ވަންދެން ލެބަނަން ގައި ތިބުމަށްފަހު އޭޕްރީލްގައި ސީރިޔާ ސިފައިން ފޭބިއެވެ.

ލެބަނަންގައި ހިގި ހަރަކާތަށް ހުޅަނގުން ސެޑާރ އިންގިލާބު ކިޔާފައިވަނީ ލެބަނަންގެ ދިދައިގައި ހިމެނޭ ލެބަނަން ސެޑާރ ގަހަށް ނިސްބަތްކޮށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް މި ނަމަކީ ލެބަނަން ގައި އެހާ އާންމުކޮށް ބޭނުންކުރާ ނަމެއް ނޫނެވެ. މި ހަރަކާތަށް ކިޔާ ނަންނަމުގެ ތެރޭ އިންތިފާޒާ-އަލް-އިސްތިގުލާލް އަދި ސެޑާރ ސްޕްރިންގ (ރަބީއުލް އަރުޒް) ހިމެނެއެވެ. އެއީ މި ހަރަކާތް ފެށުނީ ސްޕްރިންގ (ރަބީއު މޫސުމް) ގައި ކަމަށްވާތީއެވެ. ލެބަނަންގައި ބޭނުންކުރާ ނަން ނަމުގެ ތެރޭ ލެބަނަން އިންޑިޕެންޑެންސް، ލެބަނަން ސްޕްރިންގ (ރަބީއު
ލުބްނާން) އަދި އިންޑިޕެންޑެންސް 05 ހިމެނެއެވެ.

މިސްރު ފަދަ އަރަބި ގިނަ ގައުމުތަކެކޭ އެއްފަދައިން ލެބަނަން ވެސް އަދި ވަނީ ޑިމޮކްރެސީގެ މަގުގައި ނާޒުކް ފައްތަރެއްގައެވެ. 2005 ގެ ހަރަކާތުގެ ސަބަބުން ޑިމޮކްރަސީއަށް މަގުފަހިވާނީ ކިހާވަރަކަށް ކަން އަދި ނޭގުނަސް، އެއީ ލެބަނަންގެ އެއްބައިވަންތަކަމަށް އެޅުނު ރަގަޅު ފިޔަވަޅެކެވެ.

މައުލުމާތު ހޯދާފައި ވަނީ ވިކީޕީޑިޔާ، ބީބީސީ އަދި ސީއެންއެން އިން

Maverick endorses Anni – Waheed

campaign logos of dr waheed and anni 1989 and 1999

The campaign logos used by Dr Waheed (1989) and Anni (1999) to run for parliament

Maverick endorses the presidential candidate of Maldivian Democratic Party – Gaumee Ithihad alliance Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) and his running mate Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Maniku for the presidential election of Maldives.

The pair has demonstrated a commitment to democracy and pluralism and has braved the intimidation and fear tactics of the Gayoom regime for close to two decades. The campaign manifesto put forward by MDP – Ithihad and their pledges to salvage Maldivian people from economic depravation and poverty are appealing to the Maldivian people, as evident from the support the alliance is gaining in various islands and atolls.

Both Anni and Dr Waheed were elected politicians on previous occasions;  Waheed was elected as Male’ MP in 1989 and Anni was elected to Male’ seat in parliament ten years later in 1999.

Elections have been milestones in the history of political reform in the Maldives. The parliamentary election of 1989 was marked with a huge mobilization of people to elect Dr Waheed and paved way for the beginning of a reform movement. In 1990 the movement reached its peak with Sangu and Hukuru magazines and intense debates in the parliament. The movement was crushed after reformist MPs were intimidated, critical magazines were shut down, and journalists including Anni were imprisoned.

The parliamentary election of 1999 marked the beginning of another cycle of reform when citizens passionately volunteered to elect Anni for Male’ seat. The following months saw the first attempts to register MDP, the publication of underground newsletter Sandhaanu, and the growth of dissent online. The reform movement was once again crushed after Anni was framed on petty theft charges and Sandhaanu editors were arrested.

The first issue of Maverick was published in this void when the country was looking for another spark to ignite the flame of democracy. That spark came rather surprisingly as an inmate at Maafushi prison was tortured and killed in September 2003 leading to huge riots in the prison and Male’. It was coincidentally another election year.

The work for reform has continued for the last five years and through the sheer determination of democracy activists the movement could not be killed by the regime unlike the previous occasions. However, democracy activists paid a heavy price for this as they were regularly beaten, arrested and tortured. Their sacrifices have given us an amended constitution and paved way for the first multi-party presidential election of the country to be held on 8 October.

In Maverick 5.35 we wrote about the parliamentary elections of 1989, 1994 and 1999 in an article titled “Why the thumbs-up, the cactus and the conch shell couldn’t survive.” It will be an interesting read for anybody wishing to recapture the mood of those elections. The article also recalls the tactics of intimidation deployed by the regime to crush dissent.

The situation has changed remarkably and is now in sharp contrast to the times of those elections. By voting Anni – Waheed, you can change the dynamics of Maldivian politics and bring the people closer to freedom. By making a sound choice on election day, we can have a well-deserved climax for  years of hard work, and bring a jubilant end to the last reform cycle that began five years ago.

The article below was published in Maverick 5.35, on 21 January 2005, shortly before the parliamentary election.

Why the thumbs-up, the cactus and the conch shell couldn’t survive

Maverick 5.35, 21 January 2005

“The removal of Mohamed Nasheed is not the first time President Gayyoom has acted against popular Malé Majlis members. In the 1990s, Dr.Mohamed Waheed who now works in the US for UNICEF, and Ahmed Mujuthaba, a prominent Maldivian businessman in the tourist sector, found themselves in orchestrated difficulties when they began to rival Gayyoom in popularity.” Maldivesculture.com

In 1989 Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Maniku, a PhD holder, ran for a seat of Male’, the capital of the Maldives, in the parliamentary election. After completing his education in Majeediyya School of Male’, Dr Waheed went to the American University of Beirut and then to University of Stanford in USA where he completed an International Development Education Programme and obtained an MA. He served the education sector before going abroad again to obtain his PhD in the field of education. Upon returning home Dr Waheed was not awarded a minister’s position as many people expected. Public expectations were high because he was the first PhD from Maldives to return home but it also meant he could be a political challenge to the regime; President Gayyoom had gained popularity as a scholar with renowned qualifications from Al Azhar University of Cairo. When Dr Waheed contested as a parliamentary candidate, it proved the regime’s fears were well-founded.

Campaign logos were introduced in elections in the Maldives for the first time and Dr Waheed adopted the logo of a fist with the thumbs-up. The logo was painted on walls of Male’, t-shirts bearing the logo were distributed, and letters signed by Dr Waheed were sent to every household. Leading the campaign of Dr Waheed was a group of young people who advocated democracy and reform. Soon it became clear that the people of Male’ supported Dr Waheed.

Dr Waheed’s main contender in the election, Ilyas Ibrahim, then Trade Minister and Deputy Minister of Defense, is a brother of the First Lady Nasreena Ibrahim. Ilyas was the second-most-powerful-man in the country at the time. Using his powers he tried to undermine the campaign of Dr Waheed, mobilizing even the police to paint over Dr Waheed’s campaign logos on walls and confiscating campaign materials. Ilyas and his brother Abbas Ibrahim mobilized a group of middle-aged thugs called ‘Binbi Force’ and gave them police protection while they harassed the supporters of Dr Waheed.

Despite all this effort, Dr Waheed won a seat in the election. Along with him were a number of young MPs who advocated reform. They debated in the parliament and questioned government’s policies.

Following the wind of change that was sweeping across the Eastern Europe, President Gayyoom gave a speech in which he encouraged the Maldivian people ‘to come out of the shell’. However, freedom of speech could not thrive; the government could not tolerate the criticism it faced from two magazines Sangu and Hukuru in 1990, and subsequently shut down the magazines. A number of writers and journalists were arrested. By August 1990 the experiment with democracy had been abandoned.

The MPs who were campaigning for reform were harassed, some of them were charged with various offences, and some of them resigned from their posts. Binbi Force was active in harassing the liberal MPs. Dr Waheed also resigned, left the country and got a UN post.

Some of Dr Waheed’s supporters paid a heavy price for their alliance with him.

“Eight of his campaign organizers were arrested on charges of distributing Anti-Government leaflets, and sentenced by the Police Court from 4 to 7 years,” Libertarian Party of the Maldives’ 2001 publication Gayyoom’s Democracy said.

“It is now clear exactly how they were framed, from the person who was used as a tool. Of the people who were initially arrested, one person, Mr.Hamid Fahmy was released without a sentence. On release he was presented with the construction of a room and toilet for him by Mr.Illyas Ibrahim. Mr.Hamid Fahmy said that he was taken to the State Trading Organisation office (Another office of Illyas Ibrahim) and requested by Mr.Illyas to contact Mr.Majeed and dump some leaflets on the road.

Hence he had met Mr.Majeed and discussed this, wrote the leaflets in his own writing and dumped on the streets. He had been wired when he had talked to Majeed. The tape was given to the person who arranged to drama. This proves that the eight people were framed by Mr.Illyas. This is how Mr.Hamid Fahmy narrated the incident to a friend when Mr.Illyas Ibrahim went on his first “exile” to United Kingdom supposed to be without the knowledge of the President,” LPMV’s article explained.

The ‘exile’ that LPMV is refering to is the time Ilyas Ibrahim left the country when he was associated with a major case of corruption in the Fisheries Projects Implementation Department (FPID) of the State Trading Organization. FPID was in charge of exporting canned tuna from the Maldives and it was found out that some of the managers there were embezzling money from the operation.

Millions of dollars were embezzled in this corruption case, and when it became apparent that Ilyas was part of it, he was quietly sent abroad till the crisis was over. Ilyas left Maldives on 9 May 1990 and returned on 6 August 1990. Charges were pressed against Abdul Sathar Ali of Kudaveyomatheege house in Maafannu ward of Male’, who was a Deputy Director of FPID, and Ahmed Ameel Jaleel of Fahivaage house in Galolhu ward of Male’, who was a Manager of the FPID. Ahmed Ameel Jaleel was a nephew of President Gayyoom. The case was investigated by a parliamentary commitee while the free press of 1990 highlighted it. However, the case was delayed and later the charges against the implicated two men were not proved and Court Number 7 ruled in September 1992 that they were not guilty.

Even though LPMV reported that eight supporters of Dr Waheed were convicted by the Police Court for putting leaflets on streets of Male’, according to the information we have so far received, only seven people (not eight) out of the arrested people had ‘admitted’ to the offence. Their trial began at the Police Court on 21 April 1990. The seven people are Abdul Majeed Shameem of Alimaswadhee house in Machangolhi ward of Male’, Adam Ali (Adam Fulhu) of Lilac house in Maafannu ward of Male’, Ali Mohamed Fulhu (Velanbuli Ali Fulhu) of Velanbulige house in Machangolhi ward of Male’, Ibrahim Waheed of Silver Scene house in Machangolhi ward of Male’, Zakariyya Jameel of Naares house in Machangolhi ward of Male’, Ibrahim Rasheed of Thalvaaruge house in Galolhu ward of Male’ and Ahmed Khaleel of Keemiyaage house in Machangolhi ward of Male’.

LPMV said that not long after the sentencing of the men the government was forced to abolish the notorious Police Court due to pressure from the new parliament.

The police also wanted to question Mohamed Zaki of Ahmadhee Abad house in Maafannu ward of Male’ concerning dumping of the leaflets. However, by then he had left the country and he did not heed to the notice to return to the Maldives. The government cancelled Zaki’s passport while he was abroad. Zaki remained in Malaysia for years doing business till his relations with the regime improved. Even though he visited Maldives a couple of times later, Malaysia remained his base of business. Zaki was arrested in January 2002, during a visit to Maldives, for his involvement in the underground email newsletter Sandhaanu. He received a life imprisonment sentence along with two other men, Ahmed Ibrahim Didi and Ibrahim Lutfy. A young woman named Fathimath Nisreen was also sentenced to ten years of imprisonment for her involvement in Sandhaanu, which was very critical of the regime. Lutfy escaped from Maldives police custody in 2003 while he was in Sri Lanka for a medical treatment. He has been granted asylum and currently lives in Europe and publishes Sandhaanu.

Dr Waheed remains a ‘taboo’ figure in the Maldivian politics. In 2001 an interview he gave to a local magazine Adduvas could not be published because the magazine’s backer, Minister of Information Ibrahim Maniku (Samarey) blocked the effort. A subsequent attempt to publish it in Monday Times, an English-language weekly, proved futile when Zahir Hussein, the father of the magazine’s founder Leena Zahir Hussein, did not give his belessing. Zahir Hussein was Minister of Youth and Sports till September 2004 and he is a close friend of President Gayyoom. They were buddies and roommates while studying in Al Azhar University of Cairo. Monday Times was being printed at Loamafaanu Print, a press owned by Zahir Hussein. When Monday Times became too critical of the regime, Gayoom told Zahir Hussein not to print the newspaper anymore. There was no other printing house willing to print it and Monday Times could not be published. After a few months it was closed down by the Ministry of Information.

Following their disappointment regarding how the regime had treated Dr Waheed, the people of Male’ tried to elect a petty door-to-door salesman by the nickname of Ugulhey to the seat vacated by Dr Waheed. However, another drama unfolded in the by-election of July 1992 when Ugulhey was arrested for allegedly bribing a judge and was banished for six months. Sandhaanu claims the charges were false. Sandhaanu says there was no judge to whom Ugulhey gave a bribe.

In 1994 elections two candidates that the people of Male’ favored and supported won the two seats. Even though Minister of Information Ibrahim Maniku (Samarey) contested, he was defeated and came fourth with 1,594 votes. Male’ is the centre of power and the success of candidates who were backed by popular support was very significant. People began believing the notion that as Male’s population was more politically conscious it was not possible for the regime to manipulate election in Male’ as it does extensively in the atolls.

Abdullah Kamaludheen, who came first in the election with 4,845 votes, was first elected to the parliament in the by-election held after Dr Waheed’s resignation. He was a minister then, but by the time of 1994 election he had been sacked from cabinet for his alliance with Ilyas Ibrahim’s unsuccessful attempt to come to power in 1993. Kamaludheen promised many reforms during his campaign. None of the promises were kept and later Kamaludheen would betray the people and accept a post in Cabinet, in strict contrast to the ideal of separation of powers he advocated in his campaign.

Ahmed Mujuthaba came second in the election with 4,666 votes. A  former minister who had held numerous senior posts in the government, Mujuthaba had resigned after he received pension. Mujuthaba began his career in the government as an English Secretary in Telecommunications Department on 12 March 1970. He received the position of Minister of Transport and Shipping on 11 November 1982. Mujuthaba was in three government posts – Minister of Trade and Industries, Director of Maldives National Ship Management Ltd, and in-charge of State Trading Organization – when he handed over his resignation for personal reasons. President Gayoom accepted his resignation on 14 March 1991.

Mujuthaba also promised many reforms during his campaign. One of his slogans was ‘Mujuthaba ah Ithubaaru, Thiyabeyfulhunnah Ithuru Baaru’ which roughly translates as Trust Mujuthaba and you (people) will receive more powers. As a campaign symbol Mujuthaba used a cactus.

However, even the cactus could not survive in the harsh political climate of the Maldives. Sandhaanu says Mujuthaba was also harassed by the regime as it had intimidated Dr Waheed. Only one year into his parliamentary career, he resigned from the seat he had won after contesting with twenty-two candidates.

In an interview to Monday Times (15th issue – 12 March 2001) Mujuthaba gave some explanation.

“At that time the rules of the parliament required one to give a reason for resigning. So the reason I gave was: “my conscience did not permit me to be in the parliament at that time, because I was not effective.” I sent several bills but not one got passed”.

“So I was either not effective, or I was out of tune with the rest of the elected members,” he told Monday Times. “If I try to achieve something and if I do not achieve a headway then my position is that I should not waste time on that. When I was there I worked very hard, but when I could not produce results..”

“As I told you, I’m really not a politician. I’m a technocrat. Technocrats don’t mind quitting when they can’t make headway; but the politicians somehow cling on in the hope that someday something is going to happen”, Mujuthaba explained.

After Mujuthaba resigned, a by-election was held. The people of Male’ showed little enthusiasm in this by-election. Few people turned out for voting. Minister of Construction and Public Works Umar Zahir was elected. Mohamed Haleem, who was seen as the people’s candidate, did not put up a strong campaign. The people were too fed up to participate in the process. Nevertheless, Haleem also got votes almost equal to Umar Zahir.

In 1999 the people of Male’ witnessed an exciting election again. Mohamed Nasheed (Anni), a journalist who had been imprisoned on several occasions for criticizing the regime, was running for a seat. Nasheed’s election symbol was a conch shell named Sangu in Maldivian language. Having a Sangu as the campaign logo was significant and nostalgic. Nasheed was one of the young journalists whose outspoken criticism in a magazine called Sangu led to immense popularity of the magazine in 1990. People queued at bookstores to get a copy. Finally the government shut down the magazine.

A number of people, mostly young people, joined Nasheed’s campaign. The campaign logo was painted on walls while banners bearing the logo were hung from public buildings. The regime tried to undermine the campaign but soon it realized that Nasheed had gained too much popularity. On the election day a large number of people went to vote as if motivated by a slogan Nasheed’s supporters were using, ‘Get up, Stand up, Stand up for your rights’. Even though not everybody could identify with the message relayed by Bob Marley in his famous song, the slogan itself was self-explanatory. After a long time of disillusion with politics people had come out of their isolation and there was a sense of participation.

When there was a delay in announcing the results for Male’, hundreds of people gathered near Dharubaaruge where the counting was going on. When the results were announced the campaign centre of Nasheed was flooded with supporters who cheered. Nasheed came second while Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation Ilyas Ibrahim came first. Although there were reasons to suspect that a fraud had occurred to reduce the number of votes Nasheed had actually received, the fact that he won one of the two seats led to celebrations. Even Ilyas Ibrahim came to congratulate Nasheed.

Nasheed’s era in parliament was historical. He secured a room from the parliament building to meet with the people of his constituency and announced this in the newspapers. A number of bills advocating reform was proposed by Nasheed. The bills received only mild interest from the members most of whom were government puppets. In 1989 in addition to Dr Waheed a number of young MPs who favored reform were elected and they held free discussions in the parliament. However, the parliament that was elected in 1999 lacked such people. Nasheed was leading almost a solitary campaign. For some bills that Nasheed proposed, only Thaa Atoll Member Hassan Afeef, a liberal MP from 1990 period who managed to survive in the parliament, supported.

Despite the fate that the bills he proposed met, Nasheed was pressing ahead for change. Always witty and daring, Nasheed even used to ask tricky questions to ministers and sometimes to the Speaker Abdulla Hameed. The Speaker, a brother of President Gayyoom, began to get irritated with Nasheed.

The bills proposed by Nasheed aroused the public interest and several people visited the Chamber to hear the sessions of the parliament.

Nasheed’s victory strengthened his group of supporters. They started a new campaign to form a political party in the country. Nasheed played a crucial role in the preparations. Businessmen such as Qasim Ibrahim of the Villa group of companies and Hassan Zahir from Reefside company joined this group although they had supported the notorious and infamous Ilyas Ibrahim during the election campaign of 1999.

Approximately 40 people, including some senior civil servants, signed an application to form a political party. There were talks with Ministry of Home Affairs, Housing and Environment, the ministry which approved the formation of clubs and NGOs and such bodies. There was no law forbidding the formation of political parties even though a party had been formed only once in 1950s. Of course several things, including the electoral process, would have to be changed to accommodate political parties.

President Gayyoom sent the matter to the parliament where the proposal to form a party was effectively killed. The President was very cunning in his move; he could say it was not the government but the elected representatives of the people who rejected the idea.

“People decided it was not the right time yet to have political parties,” Gayyoom said in an article published by Washington Times.

“Maybe it is possible later to have parties, but I do not know. The majority does not want that, but certain people do think that a Western style of democracy may be good. I am not personally against political parties: if Parliament would have decided to have them I would have said yes.” Gayyoom told Washington Times.

Nevertheless, Gayyoom voiced his personal opinion of political parties. “The multi-party system may lead to the division of the country,” he explained to Washington Times.

In a country as autocratic as Maldives and led by a President who dominates everything, it is not hard to imagine on whose orders the parliament would have acted.

While Nasheed and his supporters were making the regime nervous other developments in the Maldives made the political scene very hot indeed. People started receiving an underground email newsletter named Sandhaanu, written in simple and witty language. The police had a hard time tracking down Sandhaanu’s creators. Nasheed was a prime suspect.

7 October 2001 was an unfortunate day for Nasheed. He attended an auction held at Velaanaage, the former residence of Ibrahim Nasir, the second president of the Maldives. It was now state-owned and items in the house were being auctioned off before demolishing the house to build a new office complex there. Nasheed took some items such as a ticket to a cinema, some drawings by the President Nasir’s son while he was a boy. Nasheed was not the only person who took such petty things. Those items were not even for auction and they would have ended in the rubbish bag. Nasheed took the items in front of a number of people including ministers.

Later Nasheed was arrested for stealing government property. Evidence proves he was framed. Even though the regime was under pressure because of Nasheed’s efforts in parliament, it is more likely that he was arrested on suspicion for being involved in Sandhaanu. His computer was taken to the police station. There was no reason why his computer had to be taken if he was being arrested for removing some physical objects from Velaanaage.

Some people also say Nasheed was arrested a few days before he was about to propose a bill regarding questioning of cabinet members in parliament. Surely the regime was on the look out for a way to remove Nasheed from parliament. He was too ‘arrogant’ and daring and would not have succumbed to harassment. He could not be disposed of as Dr Waheed and Mujuthaba.

Nasheed was not provided with legal representation. He was convicted and sentenced to 2 and half years of banishment on 8 November 2001. Nasheed was sent to exile on 5 December 2001 but brought back to Male’ in February 2002 and kept under house arrest. An appeal was made to High Court but on 14 March 2002 the High Court upheld the Criminal Court’s ruling. He was sent to exile again but in June 2002 brought back to Male’ and kept under house arrest. Nasheed was released on 29 August 2002, perhaps because of international pressure. By then he was stripped of his seat in parliament, a new by-election held in April 2002 and Nasheed’s days as an MP was over.

Few people turned out to vote in the by-election held in April 2002 which the former MP Abdulla Kamaludheen won.

Once again an iron curtain was drawn over parliamentary democracy in the Maldives.

Culture of Election Rigging: Are Fair Elections Held in the Maldives?

As the first multi-party election in the Maldives is less than a fortnight away, Maverick looks at the culture of vote rigging in the Maldives, and reveals how elections in the country were systematically rigged. This report was published in Maverick 4.35 (July 2003), in another election year, five years ago. This report focuses mainly on parliamentary elections while another article in Maverick 4.35 explores rigging of presidential referendums.


Are fair elections held in the Maldives?

There is growing evidence that Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe rigged the last presidential election to win it. Suspicions centre on a ‘command centre’ run in Harare by two of Mugabe’s closest associates. It is said that just hours before the election result was announced there was a major fraud. Mugabe would have lost by 200,000 to 300,000 votes if not for this fraud. The opposition candidate Morgan Tsavangiraiwere did better than expected despite all the bullying by the Mugabe regime.

R.W. Johnson, a former Oxford professor who was covering the election for a British newspaper pointed a finger at the registrar-general. A reform group in Zimbabwe was allowed to examine the official voting register early 2002 and found that it listed about 5.2 million voters. Johnson said the ruling party illegally added 400,000 extra voters before the election to the register increasing their chances of winning. Johnson says around 1.8 million people in the official voting list do not actually exist. He also said a study by the reform group shows that only 50 percent of the people in the final roll live in the addresses given. Only they could legitimately vote in their constituencies. Johnson concludes that false votes for Mugabe were between 900,000 and 1.1 million.

This story of election rigging has many parallels with the election process in the Maldives. In a country ruled by a president who has ruled for almost the same lengthy period as Mr Mugabe, the elections are far from being fair.

In the Maldives also the elections are closely monitored in a ‘command center’ where the votes are counted. Ordinary civil servants are included in the counting process but the final decisions are made by people who are very close to the ruling regime. Sometimes the results are announced after a long delay, in which the results are tampered with. In 1999 parliamentary election, a delay in announcing the results of the election for Malé’s two seats caused the supporters of Mohamed Nasheed (Anni), a popular candidate who ran for a seat, to gather around Dharubaaruge, the command center. The ballot boxes would take sometime to reach from other atolls to Male’. However, the boxes for Male’ could be immediately taken to the counting centre and hence it was rational that the vote of Malé be counted sooner.

The Elections Commission had said that the counting of votes would begin at Hakuraa Maalan of Dharubaaruge after voting ends at 8.00 pm on 19 November 1999. However, the Commissioner of Elections announced the results for Male’ via TV Maldives at 11.35 pm on 20 November 1999.

Parliamentary elections were held in the Maldives in 1932, 1937, 1941, 1946, 1951, 1956, 1961, 1966, 1969, 1974, 1979, 1984, 1989, 1994 and 1999. In addition, by-elections have been held on several occasions to elect MPs when seats become vacant due to various reasons.

President Gayyoom and his cronies came to power in November 1978. The first parliamentary election held after their ascent to power was in 1979.

The election of 1979

The election of 1979 was announced on 7 September 1979, the names of candidates were announced on 15 October 1979 and the election was held on 16 November 1979.

In Haveeru, a local daily newspaper, it was mentioned on 27 November 1979 that the Elections Division had decided to postpone announcing the results of the election for some atolls because the Elections Division had received reports that in those atolls incidents contrary to the regulation concerning General Elections had occurred. Haveeru reported a press release issued by the Elections Division said an announcement would be made concerning the issue, which the Division was investigating, when everything became clear.

Election was held again in Addu Atoll and in Kulhudhuffushi island of Haa Dhaalu Atoll in 1979. This indicates the election of 1979 was not so smooth.

This was the time of rooting out all opposition and consolidating power. According to the first issue of Sandhaanu, an underground e-mail newsletter, a number of MPs critical to the regime were blacklisted and imprisoned during the first parliament of the current regime. Sandhaanu says Ali Katheeb from Haa Dhaalu Atoll Vaikaradhoo, Sheikh Hussain Yoosuf and Azeez from Meedhoo suffered under the regime with Azeez becoming disabled because of torture. Sandhaanu said after that it became difficult to win a seat in parliament without government approval while island chiefs and mudhims – people who lead prayers – who did not support the government started losing their jobs.

The ‘Ali Katheeb’ that Sandhaanu mentions seems to be Ali Sulaiman from Gulfaamuge house in Vaikaradhoo island in Haa Dhaalu Atoll. In the election of 1979 he came first for Haa Dhaalu Atoll with 1,327 votes and won a seat.

Sheikh Hussain Yoosuf, who holds a government post even now, comes from Hithaadhoo island in Baa Atoll. He won a seat for Baa Atoll in the election of 1979 with 799 votes and again in the election of 1984 with 791 votes.

‘Azeez from Meedhoo’ that Sandhaanu mentions could be Abdul Azeez Mohamed whose address at the time of 1979 election was Gongali house in Machangolhi ward of Male’. He won a seat for Dhaalu Atoll in the election of 1979 with 698 votes. As there is a Meedhoo island in Dhaalu Atoll, this Azeez could have been from that island. Meedhoo Azee passed away on 20 March 2003.

The election of 1984

The election was announced on 1 October 1984, the candidates’ names were announced on 5 November 1984 and the election was held and announcing of the results began on 7 December 1984. The Commissioner of Elections was Mr Abdul Sathar Ahmed Didi.

In 1984 election was held again in Raa Atoll Alifushi, proving that there was fraud.

The election of 1989 and aftermath

The election was announced on 9 September 1989, candidates’ names were announced on 18 October 1989, the election was held and announcing of the results started on 24 November 1989. The Commissioner of Elections was Mr Abdul Sathar Ahmed Didi.

The election of 1989 was exciting in many ways. Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Maniku, a PhD, had returned to Maldives after his studies and was running in the election for a seat of Male’, the capital island. He introduced the sign of thumbs-up fist as his campaign logo which was painted on many walls of Male’. This was the first time such logos were used in parliamentary elections in the Maldives. This was a factor that increased the public interest in the election. A large majority of the public were backing Dr Waheed.

Yoosuf Rafeeu, who is known by the nickname of Yoosay, a TV comedian, was also contesting. He was famous for his TV series Dhiriulhumakee Mieebaa (Is this what living is?) which criticized social problems, made fun of famous local characters including government officials. Each of Yoosay’s comedies had to go through strict censorship before the state-owned television station telecasted it. Yoosay was also very popular in Male’.

Dr Waheed’s campaign reached unprecedented levels in Male’. The thumbs-up logo was painted on walls on request and also on billboards. Supporters printed and distributed leaflets to all households in Male’. According to a publication by the Libertarian Party of Maldives (LPMV) titled ‘Gayyoom’s Democracy’, over 4,000 letters were sent addressed to the person in Dr Waheeed’s own name. Campaign t-shirts and badges were distributed, especially to the youth by the campaign participants, who were also mainly youth.

According to LPMV the campaign of Dr Waheed was so strong, one of his contenders, Mr Ilyas Ibrahim started working against the campaign by painting over the thumbs-up logo. Police started confiscating the badges and banning wearing of t-shirts with the logo. As Ilyas was the Minister of Trade and Deputy Minister of Defense and National Security and the second-most-powerful-man in the country, he had resources at hand to do that. Ilyas is a brother-in-law of President Gayoom.

Some of the activities were carried out by ‘Bimbi Force’ a group of middle-aged men backed by Ilyas and his brother Abbas Ibrahim, who was also a cabinet minister.

“The Force against reforms consisted of middle aged people who were mainly ex convicts freed after having served their sentence/s. Most of these people were looking for a way to preserve their self respect and earn easy money being under the protection of two Ministers. The group became known in Male’ as “Binbi Force ” which got the name from one of the members nickname,” LPMV’s 2001 publication Gayoom’s Democracy said.

“It was evident that a force in the Government as incidents proved it backed the Binbi Force. For example cases against members of the Binbi Force were ignored by the Police even with eye-witnesses. The painting of Dr.Waheed’s symbol in Majeedhee Magu, Sosun Magu, were often in the presence of the Police personnel which was ignored. It is specially noted that a boy who had been delivering a Death Warning when caught and handed over to the police, with a note to the President was just ignored,” Gayyoom’s Democracy said.

Dr Waheed received an overwhelming victory in the elections. Even though Ilyas Ibrahim was elected to the other seat of Male’ the election results was a victory for the people who favored reform and backed Dr Waheed. Some people believe it was actually Yoosay who came second in the election but the results were altered to give a seat for Ilyas.

It is evident that the election of 1989 was not conducted fairly. The March 1990 issue of Sangu, a popular magazine of 1990 that was later shut down, highlighted this. According to Sangu, the authorities had previously announced how the votes would be counted. The announcement was broadcasted on multiple occasions by Voice of Maldives on 23 March 1989 and 24 March, the day of the election. The said announcement made it clear that the whole ballot paper would be counted void if one of the votes cast is unclear (to read) or for any reason that it has to be made void. All individuals could vote for any two candidates and it was clear that one part of the ballot paper will not be counted (one vote for a candidate will not be counted) if the other vote that the individual had cast for the next candidate was void.

The election results for Male’ as announced by the Elections Division’s 22/89 announcement is as follows:

The number of people who voted in Male’ : 7,131

The number of votes all candidates received: 13,439

Void votes: 543

Total number of votes: 13,982

If the number of people who voted in Male’ was 7,137 then the total number of votes should be 14,262 (7,137 multiplied by 2). The number of votes all candidates received should be this figure minus the void votes (14,262 minus 543) which is 13,719. However, the figure that the Elections Division had stated as the number of votes all candidates received is 13,439. There is a difference of 280 votes (13,719 minus 13,439) which went unaccounted.

Sangu also pointed out that the number of void votes and the number of votes that the candidates received should be even numbers if the counting procedures as announced by the Elections Division were followed. However, this was not the case and Sangu said this indicated there was fraud in the counting process. Sangu also stressed that the Commissioner of Elections replied to the people who inquired about the said matters that there was no further explanation he could give them, indicating there was a major fraud.

A candidate for Male’, Mr Zakariyya Jameel of Naares house in Machangolhi ward, sent a letter to the Elections Division requesting for an explanation in the discrepancies in the election results. He sent a copy of the letter to Aafathis and Haveeru, the two dailies being published in Maldives at the time. The Elections Division issued a press release shortly after that.

The press release of 30 November 1989 admitted that there were unaccounted 280 votes missing in the election results of Male’. It said if the 7,137 people voted for two candidates the total number of votes should be 14,262 and that the announced number was 13,982 thus creating 280 missing votes.

The press release explained that this happened because during the counting process if one candidate’s name written by an individual was unreadable and if the other name was clear, then the clear name was counted as one vote. The unclear name was dismissed and not counted as void votes. The Elections Division said this was the procedure followed in the previous elections as well and this was done to protect the rights of the candidates and give them maximum chances. The press release said the total number of void votes for Male’ was 823 which was derived after adding the said 280 votes to the 543 votes that was announced as void votes by the 24 November 1989 announcement of the Elections Division. The press release said, since the missing votes were void votes, that would not alter the number of votes any candidate received, and hence the overall election results. The press release further said during the counting process this happened in Ari Atoll and Male’ Atoll as well and that the number of void votes of those atolls were also changed later.

Sangu said the press release was broadcasted by Voice of Maldives after 5.00 pm news on 30 November 1989. At 4.00 pm Zakariyya Jameel was taken to Ministry of Home Affairs and Sports to investigate about the letter he sent to the Elections Division, which was functioning under the Ministry of Home Affairs. At 9.00 pm he was released but on 2 December 1989 at 12.00 pm he was taken again to Ministry of Defense to investigate the same matter. He was charged with trying to create hatred among the people towards the government by sending copies of the letter, which should be a state secret, to daily newspapers and publishing the letter in those papers.

Election rigging and manipulation occurred in Fuamulah too in the election of 1989. This led to an escalation of violence in the island in early 1990. In the 27 April 1990 issue of Aafathis the daily reported that following a question it had put forward to the Ministry of Atolls Administration about the reasons for the violence and conflict that had occurred in Fuamulah in the first few months of 1990, the ministry said the violence started after the parliamentary election of 1989. The violence in Fuamulah led to the government to send a 5 member delegation comprising of officials from Ministry of Defense and National Security, Ministry of Atolls Administration and Ministry of Education to investigate the matter.

In 1990 Mohamed Nasheed (Anni), who was a famous journalist back then, was arrested because of an article he wrote for a foreign newspaper saying that the parliamentary election of 1989 involved fraud. Anni presented solid evidence as a proof of what he said but the regime silenced the matter through his arrest.

In 1989 voting was held for a second time in Maakadoodhoo, perhaps after a fraud was discovered. Re-election could be held for two reasons: after a discovery of a fraud that is too big to be ignored; and when an unfavorable candidate wins, hoping that the re-election could bring a better one.

Despite the fraud in the election of 1989, in other atolls also a number of young members were elected to the parliament. They started open debate about various issues. It was a remarkable time in the history of Maldivian politics. Two newspapers, Sangu and Hukuru, were publishing articles criticizing the regime. A corruption case with a magnitude Maldives never experienced before came to light. Some of the MPs started calling for amendments to certain laws and to investigate the corruption cases thoroughly. The regime had to resort to dirty tricks to control the MPs who advocated reform. A number of MPs resigned from their posts because of the regime’s bullying and pressure. New elections and by-elections were held in those constituencies.

Mohamed Latheef, a MP for Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll, was sentenced to six months banishment on 15 April 1991 for allegedly speaking in a manner that threatened public safety and banished to Mulhadhoo island in Haa Alifu Atoll. Latheef resigned from his post as a MP following the charges.

A by-election was held on 25 May 1990 to elect a member for a vacant seat for Shaviyani Atoll. Ahmed Abdulla of Fenfiyaazuge house in Maroshi island of Shaviyani Atoll won the by-election.

On 16 June 1991 the Elections Division announced that the election held in Dhaalu Atoll on 24 November 1989 was cancelled according to the 10th article of the Election Law. The announcement 21/91 said the date for holding the election again would be proclaimed later.

The election was held on 12 July 1991. Haveeru said on 15 July 1991 that the ballot boxes arrived Male’ on 14 July 1991 in a special dhoni. Haveeru said six members contested in the election including a former MP and a senior official of the ministry that regulates the elections (presumably Ministry of Home Affairs). According to Haveeru the two members elected for Dhaalu Atoll in the election of 1989 were separated from their posts because one of the members was convicted of a bribe charge. This is very interesting as the whole election was cancelled due to a charge made against one member. In 2002 a by-election would be held in Male’, when one of the two MPs was convicted, while the other MP remained in the seat.

The votes cast on 12 July 1991 in Kuda Huvadhoo island of Dhaalu Atoll were cancelled and voting was conducted again on 19 July 1991 in the island because a woman who was not eligible to vote had voted on the first occasion. Haveeru said on 20 July 1991 that Hafsa Adam of Dhethandimaage house in Kuda Huvadhoo, who was not eligible to vote but had voted, was brought to Male’. Haveeru said the Assistant Atoll Chief of Dhaalu Atoll, Dhon Maniku and Junior Island Chief of Kuda Huvadhoo, Ahmed Jamal, who were supervising the elections on 12 July 1991, were also brought to Male’. Elections Commissioner said the three people would be sent to trial after investigation.

The affair in Dhaalu Atoll demonstrates that fraud in voting occurs in the elections in the Maldives. The officials in the islands are involved in the fraud and only rarely do such a case is investigated.

A by-election was held on 10 July 1992 in Male’ because Dr Waheed resigned from the post. The people of Male’ tried to elect ‘Ugulhey’, a petty businessman who used to vendor clothes and stuff from house to house, for the vacant seat as a gesture of protest over the regime’s pressure on liberals. According to the fourth issue of Sandhaanu, when Ugulhey ran as a candidate, he was charged with bribing a Judge, and was convicted to 6 months banishment. Hence, the people of Male’ could not vote for Ugulhey. Sandhaanu said there was no judge to whom Ugulhey gave a bribe.

Only 3,967 people out of the 14,840 eligible voters in Male’ voted in the by-election held on 10 July 1992. That was 26.73% of the eligible voters in Male’. Minister of Home Affairs Umar Zahir told Haveeru that he was not satisfied with the number of people who had voted. He said the problem of low voter turnout had to be solved even if through the passing of a law. Abdulla Kamaludeen won the seat with 2,204 votes.

The election of 1994 and aftermath

The election was announced on 29 September 1994, the candidates’ names were announced on 1 November 1994 and the election was held on 2 December 1994.

For the first time foreign observers were brought to monitor the elections. They came from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, the six countries that together with Maldives form the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

The 17 November 1994 issue of Aafathis reported that Ministry of Atolls Administration said it was unaware that Atoll Chiefs and Island Chiefs were abusing their powers to promote certain candidates. The ministry’s Director General Fathimath Sheereen told Aafathis that the ministry had not received any such complaints and was not aware of any such issues. Ironically Sheereen herself was a candidate for Gaafu Alifu Atoll and it was believed that the island chiefs were promoting her because she was a senior official from Atolls Ministry. Atoll Offices and Island Offices come under the administration of the Atolls Ministry. She would win a seat in the election.

Haveeru reported on 3 December 1994 that a number of people went back without voting because of various difficulties. Haveeru said most of them were people working in resort islands who came to Male’ to vote. Commissioner of Elections Abdulla Rasheed told Haveeru that the people who came from resorts found it difficult to vote because all resorts sent the people at the same time. “How could we know that all resorts will send the people at the same time?” Rasheed asked.

The people coming from atolls and residing in Male’ and the workers from resorts had to vote in Male’. Haveeru said there was one ballot box in Male’ for the people of some atolls with a small population while for people coming from atolls with a large population also one box was allocated. For example a number of people from Addu Atoll went back without voting because there was only one box for them in Majeediyya School.

Even after dusk fell, the voting continued because there remained some people who had not voted by then. Some people voted in the dark. Haveeru reported that since there was no lighting in the small tent inside which the voting took place, some people used their bicycle lamps while voting.

On 7 December 1994 Aafathis reported that Commissioner of Elections Abdullah Rasheed said if a complaint was filed within one month then the matter would be investigated. He said as the Law stipulates the election process has to be finished within a certain period things cannot be made pending because a complaint might come. The Law said election process has to be completed 25 days before the term of the current parliament is over.

Haveeru reported on 4 December 1994 that the Commissioner of Elections said announcement of the election results for Male’ Atoll was being delayed because a complaint was being investigated and that a 3-member committee had been sent to the island where the complaint originated. Haveeru said it had been informed that the problem occurred in Gaafaru island of Male’ Atoll. Haveeru later reported that the Commissioner of Elections said any errors in Gaafaru were not proved.

Aafathis reported on 22 December 1994 that Commissioner of Elections said the Elections Commission was receiving complaints regarding the election. He said the complaints included those about abuse of power and concerning people casting votes in the name of others. The Commissioner said the Elections Commission was investigating the cases. Asked whether the election results would change if any of the cases was proved, Abdulla Rasheed said it was not yet clear if the results would change.

On 24 December 1994 Aafathis quoted Commissioner of Elections as saying that the people who were in charge of the voting in Haa Dhaalu Atoll Kuludhufushi and Hirimaradhoo had admitted to abusing their positions and powers to commit fraud in the election. He said the public were thinking that the government had held voting again in two areas of the said two islands because two candidates that the government did not favour were elected. Rejecting this notion and detailing the fraud, he said the people at the counting table first pointed out handwriting that was similar in many of the vote papers. He said in Hirimaradhoo more than 50 votes were written by one person.

Rasheed said in Kulhudhuffushi five bundles of vote papers were put in a box even without separating the papers and that in all bundles the handwriting was the same. He said voting was held again in the areas where the fraud had occurred.

Haveeru said on 6 December 1994 that (in the election of 1994) 50 vote papers were stuck together in each bundle. Haveeru said a pencil could be inserted into the space allocated for putting the vote papers.

Rasheed said some people believed that voting cannot be held in a particular area and that it must be held in the whole atoll. The Commissioner told Aafathis that even in the past the election was cancelled and voting was held in the whole atoll only in one occasion and that was in Addu Atoll in 1979. He said the election was held again in Addu Atoll that year because of the nature of incidents that had occurred in the atoll at the time.

He added that voting was held again in Kulhudhuffushi in the election of 1979 while in 1984 election was held again in Alifushi and in 1989 voting was held for a second time in Maakadoodhoo.

Following the discovery of fraud, election was held again in Area 3 allocated for election in Kulhudhuffushi and in Hirimaradhoo on 9 December 1994.

The Elections Commission also said the result for Thaa Atoll was being delayed because suspicions arose during the counting of votes.

Despite all those cases of fraud, the observers who came from SAARC countries declared the election to be fair. According to the 6 December 1994 issue of Aafathis, the observers submitted their report on the election to the government. Aafathis said the observers, who observed the voting process in Male’, admired the efficient manner in which the election was held and declared the election to be free and fair. According to Aafathis, the observers also noted that the campaign of candidates went very smoothly. The group of observers, coming from the politically volatile South Asia, noted there were no public protests and demonstrations during the election; something that is very common in some countries during elections. Aafathis reported that the observers’ report said the people had the right to vote for the candidates they supported and there was no abuse of power during the election.

It appears that what was published in Aafathis about the report of the observers was what the government had fed to the media. On 5 December 1994, Haveeru said “journalists were not given a copy of the report prepared by the six observers who stayed at Kurumba Village Resort at government expense, nor were the journalists told about the number of pages in the report.”

The coordinator of the observers was Mr Farouq Choudhry, the Honarary Counsel of Maldives in Bangladesh. The fact that he was Honarary Counsel of Maldives proves he had good relations with the government. It is doubtful how independent the group of observers were, and according to Aafathis they had observed only the election in Male’ and not in the atolls. Hence, their conclusions about the election are more than debatable.

In the election, two candidates the people had favored were elected for Male’: Mr Abdullah Kamaludeen and Mr Ahmed Mujuthaba. Kamaludeen’s popularity would decline later after he accepted the post of a Minister. Mujuthaba resigned almost a year after his election because he was not having any progress in the regime-dominated parliament. A by-election was held, there was low voter turnout, and Minister of Construction and Public Works Umar Zahir was elected for the seat vacated by Mujuthaba. Umar Zahir, who was dissatisfied with the low voter turnout in the by-election of 1992, was now elected in a by-election with low voter turnout.

The election of 1999

The election of 1999 was held on 19 November 1999. The Commissioner of Election was Ibrahim Rashad.

In the 15th General Election, 125 candidates from 20 constituencies contested for 40 seats. In the constituency of Noonu Atoll initially 3 candidates contested but one of them withdrew his name and the remaining two candidates were given the seats without holding election. The two MPs who were given the seats are Ali Mohamed and Abdullah Yameen, the Minister of Trade and Industries and brother of President Gayyoom. It was Abdul Ghanee Ali from Daisymaage house in Velidhoo island in Noonu Atoll who withdrew his name.

It is said that Yameen ensured that one candidate withdrew the name so that he could win the seat easily. It is also said some people who intended to run for Noonu Atoll changed their minds because of Yameen’s threats. Yameen was the MP for Noonu Atoll even during the previous term, as was Ali Mohamed, and Yameen was so unpopular among the people of Noonu Atoll that there was a slight chance for him to win in a free election.

In contrast to previous elections, the ballot boxes were not put in government offices such as island offices and courts in the election of 1999. The boxes were put in public places such as schools. Another difference was the ballot boxes were not locked when the first voter arrived. The box was shown to the first person who came to vote, then locked and a security tape was put to seal the box. Previously the box was locked and it was shaken to prove to the first group of voters that no votes had been cast in advance. The Commissioner of Elections had said that the new measures were introduced after following the advice of the observers of 1998 election, to lift the doubts the voters may have. The Commissioner also explained that the security tape that seals the box is not available in the Maldives and is rare to find even abroad.

Speaking at a meeting held at Dharubaaruge on 15 November 1999 to mark the Republic Day of the country, President Gayoom said among the forms of government that best protects the interests of the people and that is most beneficial to the people is democracy and a democracy had been established in the Maldives. He said even in neighboring countries violence and conflict can be observed coinciding with elections. Gayoom said, however, that by the grace of God, all elections in Maldives had been held smoothly and peacefully.

“Each election held in Maldives so far has been a free election. And each election symbolized the peace and harmony prevailing in the Maldives,” Gayoom said.

Gayoom said foreign observers were brought during the General Election of 1994 and the Presidential Election of 1998. He said the observers noted in their report that elections in Maldives are held smoothly and that they are free elections. He said they had noted with satisfaction in their reports that not a single act of violence had occurred in each of the elections.

Truth cannot be more different. Even in the presidential election of 1998, there were incidents of conflict between some people and island officials who tried to impose their will on the people and restrict free election. A number of people were detained during the election.

The Elections Commission said a group of observers would observe the election in 6 areas of the country in the election of 1999 and submit a report of their findings. The areas where they were to be present were Male’, Haa Alifu Atoll, Haa Dhaalu Atoll, Male’ Atoll, Thaa Atoll, Laamu Atoll and Addu Atoll. Five observers were to be present in the atolls while one would remain in Male’.

In Male’ Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) came second in the election with 6,761 votes and he won a seat as did Ilyas Ibrahim, president’s brother-in-law, who came number one with 9,566 votes. However, there is evidence that Anni came first in the election. People who were involved in the counting process say that Anni was leading by a large margin when the counting was stopped. After that only an inner circle made the decisions and announced the results.

It is evident that the regime was in a Catch-22 situation during this election. Anni was a popular journalist who had been imprisoned several times for criticizing the regime. His logo during the 1999 election was a Sangu, a conch shell. This brought back memories of Sangu, a magazine that was shut down by the regime in 1990 because of heavy criticism contained in the articles published in it. Anni was an editor of the magazine.

If Anni won Malé seat with many votes it would have been a symbol of the public’s dissatisfaction with the regime. On the other hand Ilyas Ibrahim was not a favorite of the inner circle, the group in the cabinet closest to the President. In 1993 Ilyas made a secret bid for presidency and since then he has not been a favorite of even President Gayoom. He is kept as a member of the cabinet only because he is the brother of First Lady Nasreena. It is said that Nasreena exerts a lot of pressure on Gayoom and influences political decisions.

If Ilyas won the parliamentary election with many votes, it would have showed that his power had grown, and that many people in the public were behind him. This could also be taken as a sign that the inner circle was now weaker than Ilyas. After Ilyas’ secret bid for presidency in 1993, he was sidelined, he was stripped of ministerial position and he was convicted in court. It was only a couple of years later that he was allowed to return from Singapore and given the post of transport minister.

So there were two people who were not chosen favorites of the regime but believed to lead in the election. If the regime tampered with the results and announced that two other candidates won, then it could have led to a public outcry. Anni was too popular and the public opinion showed it. Ilyas, using his political clout and connections with the business community, was also a formidable candidate.

Hence there was a delay in announcing the results. In the end Ilyas was declared number one, according to some sources, because of pressure from First Lady. Perhaps the inner circle thought that they could still control Ilyas because he was very much weakened after the 1993 crisis, but letting Anni come first was a greater evil.

It is ironic because when Anni first started campaigning, the regime tried to spread rumors about him and tried to weaken his campaign. However, when they realized that he was too popular, some members of the inner circle even tried to help him, hoping that his emergence will be a way of countering Ilyas. Anni was no friend of Ilyas; in 1990 Sangu played a pivotal role in exposing the excessive corruption of Ilyas, the then second-most-powerful man in the Maldives. The regime might also have had the hope that Ilyas will be defeated in the election by the regime-sponsored candidates.

In this particular election the inner circle were also weary of Mr Abdullah Kamaaludeen, the labor minister, who also contested. Kamaaludeen is said to have collaborated with Ilyas in 1993, and he was also stripped of his cabinet post. Kamaaludeen was a MP for Malé at the time and he later won the seat again in the parliamentary election of 1994. By then he was seen as an opponent of the regime, and his agenda included numerous promises of reform. Those promises were never delivered and by the time 1999 elections arrived Kamaaludeen was given back a cabinet post, he now belonged to the regime, but the public were fed up with him.

The inner circle did not trust him entirely because of his former connections with Ilyas. In fact he was given back a cabinet post also because he was a member of parliament and his vote counted in the Presidential Elections. So Gayoom’s brothers Abdullah Hameed and Abdullah Yameen, both cabinet ministers, sponsored Abdul Sameeu Hassan, a principal of a school in Malé. Sameeu was then the principal of Ahmadiyaa School which is based in Machangoalhi Ward of Male’. Yameen had much political power in this ward, and it was no secret that he was sponsoring Sameeu.

In the campaign Kamaaludeen was not entirely dismissed by the regime. He was assisted even though there was a lot of mistrust, enhanced by Ilyas’ open support for Kamaaludeen during the election. Nevertheless, Kamaaludeen was able to get into a slightly better position because some people thought he was a government candidate. The fact that both Ilyas and Kamaaludeen were ministers helped them because some people who were sympathetic with the regime supported them. The influence they had through the machinery of the government was immense. A lot of money was also involved.

Kamaludheen came third in the election with 6,561 votes. Some sources say that it was Kamaaludeen who came second in the election with Anni being number one. To give a seat to Ilyas, the results were tampered with and Kamasaludeen put into third position. Whatever is the truth, it is evident that the delay in announcing the results for Malé in 1999 election was caused by altering of the results.

The group of foreign observers met with the media at Dharubaaruge on 22 November 1999 and declared the election that was held as being free and fair. They said all arrangements concerning the election were well-organized, the people had voted freely to the candidates they supported, and that this indicates that the people were aware of their constitutional rights in voting and recognized the importance of the voting process. The observers also noted that the government had brought the reforms proposed by observers after the presidential election of 1998.

The observer who visited Haa Dhaalu Atoll went to 3 inhabited islands out of the 17 inhabited islands in the atoll; the observer for Male’ Atoll went to 2 inhabited islands out of 9 inhabited islands in the atoll; and the observer for Laamu Atoll visited 5 inhabited islands out of the 17 inhabited islands.

Naturally, the observers did not encounter the cases of fraud and government-led intimidation and detention of the people. A very famous case is that of Umar Jamal, a candidate for Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll, who was detained on false charges till the election was over.

Miadhu, another local daily, reported on 24 November 1999 that under a Presidential Decree the High Court of Maldives was declared as the court which will look into disputes concerning elections. This decree was made as the Article 135 of the constitution says complaints concerning parliamentary elections could be filed only in the form of a case filed at a court that the President assigns to look into disputes regarding elections.

The Article 29 of the Law on General Elections says any complaint regarding the election should be filed within one month after the election is held. Hence, for the General Election of 1999, which was held on 19 November, complaints had to be filed at the High Court by 19 December 1999.

Several cases were filed at the High Court about the election of 1999 but they could not be proved.

Interestingly many cases involved Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll where Minister of Justice (Seena) Ahmed Zahir contested. Zahir lost while his rival and next-door neighbor Abbas Ibrahim, who is President Gayyoom’s brother-in-law, won a seat.

There is an indication that some people in the regime tried to encourage the idea that there was fraud in the voting in Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll, perhaps hoping that a re-election will take place there. Abbas is a rival of the inner circle of the regime comprising of Foreign Minister Fathullah Jameel, Minister of Atolls Administration Abdullah Hameed and Minister of Youth and Sports Zahir Hussain.

In the column Dhevana Visnevumakah (For a Second Thought) published in Haveeru, a paper owned by Zahir Hussain, and written by Justice Minister ‘Seena’ Zahir under the pseudonym Alifu, hints of fraud in the election of 1999 were given. This was perhaps to prepare the public for a re-election in certain constituencies so that more favorable candidates could win.

However, there was no re-election and the election results remained the same.

Barely two years after the election Mohamed Nasheed, the popular MP from Male’, was framed on petty theft charges and convicted.

By-election of 2002

In 2002 by-election of Male’ Kamaaludeen was more clearly a government candidate. There were more candidates who were seen as anti-regime and the regime had to bring to the front a person whose chances of winning were high. Kamaaludeen had the advantage of using the vast machinery of the government as he was a minister. Even a simple request to a civil servant to join the campaign must be heeded, or else there would be difficulties. But there are brave people in the Maldives who said openly to Kamaaludeen that they could not vote a government candidate.

A lot of money was involved once again. Youth, especially those from sports clubs, were mobilized using money. They were given incentives such as sports equipment, mobile phones and often hard cash. If an independent commission were formed to investigate the results of this by-election they will find many irregularities and outright corruption.

Kamaaludeen’s win was described by the government-controlled media as an overwhelming victory for him. There was a few hundred votes of difference between him and the candidate who came next, but this is irrelevant because of the fact that more than 60 percent of the people who were eligible to vote opted to stay home. This is a fact clearly evident even from the official statistics published in newspapers. But the regime’s media tried to play down the significance of it. But this fact was highlighted in maldivesculture.com, an independent website.

“Only 38% of Malé’s 25,495 eligible voters took part in the election, according to a report in the Maldives evening newspaper, Haveeru. This may be the lowest voter participation rate in Maldivian history.

Voting took place in damp weather, with constant drizzle. Haveeru attempted to blame the low turnout on this weather, but for many potential voters the drizzle was simply a sign of the sadness of the day,” the website reported.

The people were fed up of the elections because the candidate they voted with high hopes in 1999 elections – Mohamed Nasheed – was framed in a petty theft case and wrongfully banished to an island in Raa Atoll. People no longer had any faith in the election process and that it could bring a change to their lives.

Interestingly there were many candidates the regime did not like in the by-election of 2002, held to elect a person for the seat vacated after Anni’s banishment. There was Umar Naseer, a former Sergeant of National Security Services (NSS), the government branch that consists of the armed forces, fire fighters, coast guard and police. Naseer quit from NSS or was forced to leave and then formed his own security and fire safety company. People of his rank rarely leave NSS because of the privileges they enjoy. He was seen by some circles of the regime as a challenger. Later he tried to start a submarine business but this was met with prolonged bureaucratic hurdles before he was granted permission after a few years. The public also did not favor him because he was a torturer while in NSS. Maldivesculture.com was wrong in saying that he was a torturer in the regime of former President Nasir. In fact, whatever cruelty that Naseer had inflicted upon prisoners was done during the regime of none other than the current president. Some people say Naseer was fired from NSS after one of his torture cases was exposed.

There are some indications that the by-election of 2002 was also rigged. Kamaaludeen received 2,967 votes, 30% of total votes cast. Yoosuf Rafeeu, a comedian known by his nickname Yoosay came second with 2,076 votes. Even though Yoosay was very popular in early 1990s his popularity had declined by 2000. His campaign was also not very strong in 2002 compared to his campaign in 1989 in which he was seen as a formidable opponent of the regime. In fact, many people believe that Yoosay also really won a seat in 1989 but was dismissed in the official results to bring Ilyas Ibrahim to parliament.

Many people doubt that Yoosay could have received more votes than Ms Zahiya Zareer, who was also quite popular in the 2002 by-election. Zahiya came third with 1,688 votes. Equally puzzling is the low number of votes received by former presidential candidates Mohamed Ibrahim Haleem (457 votes), Mohamed Shareef (109 votes) and Nazeer Jamal (44 votes). Weak campaign may be a reason for the low number of votes for Jamal and Shareef but in case of Haleem there was a modest campaign.

The votes received by the three former presidential candidates may have been altered intentionally to decrease their political credibility. Nazeer Jamal, a brother of Umar Jamal, was having trouble with the Elections Commission previously for having written ‘former Presidential candidate’ in his business card. He was arrested for that ‘offence’. Shareef was also arrested and imprisoned in 1990 for allegedly recording a phone conversation between Ilyas Ibrahim and an official of Fisheries Projects Implementation Department (FPID) that implicated the two men in the most famous corruption case of the country. Yoosay was also arrested back then for distributing the tape of the phone conversation that Shareef allegedly recorded.

People believe that Ali Asim, a candidate who ran in the recent elections, received more votes this time (1,203 votes) because people were mocking the electoral system. Asim normally leads a solitary campaign, with his poster in his bicycle and photocopies of his poster pasted on walls. This time he received more assistance in the campaign when people volunteered to make billboards for him.

As time passes the fraud in the by-election of Male’ in 2002 will come to light. Meanwhile, the people remain disillusioned with the electoral system.

Rigging elections

Rigging elections is common in the Maldives. Like Zimbabwe, in the Maldives also people who are opponents of the regime are bullied and sometimes put in prison on false charges.

An example is Umar Jamal, a candidate for Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll in the parliamentary election of 1999, who was imprisoned during the campaign for a charge that the regime made up and could not subsequently prove. According to the first issue of Sandhaanu, Umar Jamal was kept in prison for 7 months for investigations. For another 2 months he was kept in Malé without giving permission to leave Malé. Jamal was imprisoned following a complaint by a woman. Later the woman refused to stand by her accusations and told people that it was the administrative officials in the atoll who forced her to make the false accusations.

Jamal had a good chance of winning a seat. But for that atoll there were big shots contesting, such as the justice minister (Seena) Ahmed Zahir and Abbas Ibrahim, brother-in-law of President Gayoom. Jamal was neatly kept out of the way till the election was over.

“I was charged with attempting to discredit the government,” Jamal told the Washington Times. A Washington Times report on Maldives (http://www.internationalreports.net/asiapacific/maldives/2002/thequestion.html) details the incident as following:

“A rival candidate closely linked to the government alleged that Jamal had said that “although this is called a democracy, it is a kingdom and there is no freedom.” Jamal says he was detained in solitary confinement for three months, and since then has been tried three times in both the lower and the higher courts, “once in the Higher Court without my being present,” he says.

Jamal is being held in an extended system of parole-like restrictions in the absence of a conviction: “Three years later they still hold my passport … and I have to submit to monthly checks.” Jamal is still waiting for a resolution of his case.”

Jamal was later sentenced to six months of house arrest, probably after the interview was published, to justify the actions of the regime and challenge the fact that there was no case against him.

Ahmed Ibrahim Didi from Hulhudhoo island in Addu Atoll ran as a candidate for a seat of Addu Atoll. According to the first issue of Sandhaanu it was the popularity he received that prompted the regime to send him to Dhoonidhoo, a separate island prison. He was kept there till the election was over. It is not clear during which election this had happened but it could have been during the election of 1994 in which he received 1,789 votes and came fourth among 14 candidates. There were big shots contesting with him including the Attorney General Dr Mohamed Munawwar, who won a seat and came first in the election. Ironically, Ahmed Didi is now also in prison, this time for his involvement in the underground email newsletter Sandhaanu.

In the Maldives also votes are cast in the names of people who do not actually vote, for example in the name of seamen who are employed at ships overseas. There is a lot of fraud of the vote registers. Sometimes ballot boxes are stuffed with false votes with the voters unaware of this.

The influence of the island or atoll level officials is critical in determining the outcome of the elections. The Island Chiefs and Atoll Chiefs are carefully picked people who are trustworthy to the regime. Abdullah Hameed, the atolls minister and brother of President Gayoom, ensures that those officials are obedient people by providing them with numerous incentives.

The influence that those officials exert on elections varies, from subtle suggestions to direct orders to vote for a certain candidate. In extreme cases the very process of the election is ignored when Island Chiefs, the administrative officials in the islands, tell people that the voting has been completed and instruct them to go home. The poor people return home without voting.

Island Chiefs and Atoll Chiefs’ influence in elections prevent a fair election in the atolls. People who are known to be critics have been prevented from voting. If a person reports such a case, then the case is not investigated further. Anybody who clashes with local officials over their instructions concerning voting ends up in a cell in the Island Office, or is brought to Malé to be imprisoned.

Complaints were filed in parliamentary elections of 1989, 1994 and 1999. Only very few complaints were investigated. According to the first issue of Sandhaanu about 60 complaints came from atolls regarding the election of 1999. Sandhaanu said a trial could not be held at High Court concerning a complaint by a candidate from Shaviyani Atoll because the candidate could not afford to pay a very large amount of money as a deposit. Sandhaanu also pointed out that Ibrahim Shareef, who was a former MP from Addu Atoll, filed several complaints (regarding the election of 1999) but he was imprisoned for several months and banished as a result.

According to the second issue of Sandhaanu the people of Veymandoo island in Thaa Atoll seized the Island Chief during the parliamentary election of 1999 because he was casting false votes into the ballot boxes. Sandhaanu says the people reacted violently, vandalizing the Island Office and a van used by the office. The ballot box was sunk into the sea. The Island Chief was allegedly tied to a mast of a dhoni. Sandhaanu says NSS troops arrived in a Coast Guard vessel, and arrested several people, including a candidate. They were kept in prison for a long time and then banished.

An interesting thing is that, after voting, the ballot boxes from some atolls are carried back to Malé in fish collecting vessels of Maldives Industrial Fisheries Company (MIFCO). There is no reason why the boxes could not be carried by air from Addu Atoll or Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll because both atolls have domestic airports. But in parliamentary elections and presidential elections the ballot boxes from Addu, Fuamulah and Gaafu Dhaalu are brought back in MIFCO vessels. They arrive about three days later by which time the results of most other atolls are announced. Some analysts believe this is done to tamper with the votes from those atolls and balance any votes that the regime lose from other atolls. Another reason maybe that the said atolls have more opponents and there is the possibility that the percentage of the votes in favor of the regime may be low. Whatever is the reason, it is apparent that the time it takes for the ballot boxes to reach Malé by sea in MIFCO vessels is used for ulterior motives.

The election of 1999 was held on 19 November but even by 21 November the ballot boxes of the four southernmost atolls and Thaa Atoll had not reached Male’.

The vote rigging includes outright cheating of ignorant people as indicated by the joke ‘bodu kaafu kuda kaafu’. It is said the Island Chiefs tell the people that if they like a particular candidate put a bodu (large) kaafu (a letter of the Thaana alphabet resembling a checkmark) next to the name of the candidate. The ‘bodu kaafu’ stands for ‘kamudhey’ or liking the candidate. If they don’t like that candidate, they are told, to put a kuda (small) kaafu. The ‘kuda kaafu’ stands for ‘kamakunudehy’ or disliking the candidate. Either way it resembles a checkmark. There is another version of this joke that says the people are told to put a checkmark if they like the candidate and to put a ‘kuda kaafu’ if they don’t.

This joke seems to have originated concerning the Presidential election in which only one candidate is put forward to public referendum. The people have the option of putting a checkmark or a cross.

The method of voting in parliamentary election differs from time to time, sometimes putting a checkmark against the candidates, at other times writing candidates’ names.

Foreign observers from respected international institutes are not brought to observe the elections. Sometimes observers from neighboring countries are brought to bring a look of fairness to the election but their authenticity is doubtful. They are given access to few islands where a feeling of fair elections is showed. It is doubtful that they are able to communicate openly with the masses in the islands and even if so any grievances will not come to surface because the observers will be allowed to speak to carefully selected people. In any case even the translators are chosen people. The credibility of the observers themselves is also questionable.

If all the above tactics fail, then the Elections Commissioner appointed by the President and the few people who are playing the game could always tamper with the results and announce the victory for the candidates they favor. Life is so smooth in the Maldives.

Dr Hassan Saeed defended Gayoom’s son in UK court

In June 2002, in Maverick 1.35 we recalled the atmosphere of fear prevailing in the Maldives in the year 2000 in the backdrop of a declining economy, in our article “Big Brother Flexes Muscle in the Maldives”.

Police were everywhere; in teashops and cafes and restaurants, streets and near public pay phones. In cafes and eateries the police kept vigil, sometimes taking turns, in shifts. Their mission was to listen to public conversations and pick up any clue that could lead to the people who were creating trouble for government.

This was not the first time the police had to be in such a vigil. In 2000 the economy suffered quite badly to the extent that many Maldivians believed they were about to see economic collapse. Corruption and excessive spending by the President and cabinet were to blame for the decline. The national airline of Maldives, Air Maldives, went bankrupt a few months before this decline. Minister of Finance Arif Himly resigned for ‘personal reasons’. Analysts believed he fell out with the regime because he did not favor their excessive spending and corruption.

Rumors spread that Ghassan, the president’s younger son, had a problem with law while he was studying in UK. Some people said that he was in a hit and run accident in which a person was killed. Others said that he was arrested while in possession of drugs. It was said that the regime paid a large sum, from public coffers, as his bail. Some people said that this was the reason why Arif Hilmy resigned. Others said that the finance minister was forced to resign because he refused to approve a government loan to build the office building of Society for Health Education (SHE), an NGO in which First Lady Nasreena Ibrahim is a founder member.

To silence any anti-government forces that might gather in the backdrop of this economic decline, the regime put police on the streets, cafes and public places. They were in plain clothes but they were not inconspicuous. It is also said that, during that time, the police were equipped with special listening devices to listen to people’s chat in public places. Later the economy did recover for sometime and the police activity relaxed to some extent.

One hot rumour during that time was Gayoom’s son Ghassan had trouble with the law at UK and a huge sum was transferred from state coffers to bail him. The allegations against Ghassan has resurfaced again during campaign trail now after the sons and daughters of Gayoom have filed lawsuits against the political party Maldivian National Congress (MNC) for alleging that “While abroad, the president’s boy was drunk and in various states and killed someone in an accident.”

We do not have enough information yet about Gayoom’s son’s offense in the UK. However, we can confirm that Ghassan had trouble with law while in the UK. Furthermore, we have information that it was Dr Hassan Saeed who acted as Ghassan’s lawyer in that particular case. This is likely to be denied by both Saeed and Gayoom family as this secret is damaging to the presidential campaigns of both Saeed and Gayoom.

Dr Hassan Saeed’s close links with the Gayoom family started after he defended Ghassan in that particular court case. To reward Saeed, a cabinet portfolio was given to him when Gayoom picked his cabinet for a new term in November 2003. This was how the inexperienced Saeed became Attorney General at a very young age. Saeed maintained his close links with the Gayoom family and as he has stated in a recent interview with DhiFM, it was Gayoom’s son-in-law Shuaib Shah who first revealed to Saeed that Gayoom intends to run for a seventh consecutive term. Whether Saeed’s decision to run for Presidency stemmed from his distress upon learning that the old dictator has kept him out of the family secret, or if the former Attorney General is doing a favour to the Gayoom family by dividing opposition votes, is yet to be seen.

މައުމޫނު ފުރަތަމަ ހުވާކުރިއިރު ހަތިޔާރު ހިފައިގެން ހުރިކަމަށް އޭނާ އަމިއްލައަށް އެއްބަސްވެފައިވޭ

16 ސެޕްޓެމްބަރ 2008 ދުވަހުގެ ރޭ ޓީވީ މޯލްޑިވްސް އިން ވަގުތުން ދެއްކި “ސިޔާސަތު” ޕްރޮގްރާމްގައި ޑީއާރުޕީގެ ފަރާތުން މިފަހަރުގެ ރިޔާސީ އިންތިޚާބަށް ކުރިމަތިލާ މައުމޫނު އަބްދުލްގައްޔޫމް ހެދި ދޮގުތަކުގެ ތެރެއިން އެންމެ ފާޅުކަން ބޮޑު އެއް ދޮގަކީ އޭނާ ނޮވެމްބަރ 1978 ގައި ރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަމާ ފުރަތަމަ ފަހަރަށް ހަވާލުވެ ހުވާ ކުރިރޭ ފިސްތޯލަ ހިފައިގެން ނެތް ކަމަށާ އޭނާގެ އެކުވެރިން ވެސް ފިސްތޯލަ ހިފައިގެން ނެތް ކަމަށް ބުނެ ހެދި ދޮގެވެ. އިބްރާހިމް ނާސިރުގެ ވެރިކަން ވައްޓާލުމަށްޓަކައި މައުމޫނާއި އޭނާގެ ބައިވެރީން ފިސްތޯލަ އެތެރެކުރީ މާލޭގައި އޭރު ހިންގަމުން ގެންދިޔަ ލީބިޔާ އެމްބަސީ މެދުވެރިކޮށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް ނާސިރު ވެރިކަން ދޫކުރުމަށް ނިންމުމާއެކު އިންތިޚާބުގެ ތެރެއިން ވެރިކަމަށް އައުމުގެ މަގު މައުމޫނަށް ފަހިވިއެވެ. ހަތިޔާރު ހިފައިގެން ހުރެ ހުވާ ކުރި ކަމަށް މައުމޫނު ވަނީ 28 އެޕްރީލް 1980 ވަނަ ދުވަހު ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހުގެ ޖަލްސާއެއްގައި ތަގުރީރު ކުރަމުން އެއްބަސްވެފައެވެ.

“އެރޭ މިތަނަށް ހުވާކުރަން އައި އިރު އަޅުގަނޑުގެ ވަރަށް އެކުވެރި ވަރަށް ގާތް ހައެއްކަ ބޭފުޅުންގެ އަތްޕުޅުގައި ހަތިޔާރު ވެސް ހުންނާނެ. އެއީ އެއްވެސް ކަމެއް ދިމާވެއްޖިއްޔާ ހަމަ ވަގުތުން އެރޭ ވެސް އަޅުގަނޑުމެން ގަސްދުކުރީ ރައްޔިތުން އެކަން ނިންމާފައި އޮތްގޮތަށް ކަންތައްތައް ގެންދަން. އެއްވެސް މީހެއްގެ ބިރުދެއްކުމަކަށް ބިރު ނުގަންނަން. ގާނޫނީ ގޮތުން ރައްޔިތުން އަޅުގަނޑު ހޮވާފައި ވާތީ އަޅުގަނޑު ގަސްދުކޮށްފައި އޮތީ ކޮންމެ ކަމެއް ދިމާވިއަސް އެކަމުގައި ހުންނަން. އެހެންވީމާ އޭރުގެ ގޮތުން ބަލާއިރު އެރޭ އެކުރެވުނީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ކަމަކަށް ވެސް ވެދާނެ. އޭރު އަޅުގަނޑު އަދި ރައީސް ކަމާ ހަވާލެއް ނުވަން. އެހެން ނަމަވެސް އަޅުގަނޑު އަތުގައި ހަތިޔާރު ހުރި. އަދި އަޅުގަނޑު މިދެންނެވި މީހުންގެ އަތުގައި ވެސް ހަތިޔާރު ހުރި. އެއީ އޭރު ކަންތައް އޮތްނެތް ގޮތެއް ނޭގޭތީ ރައްޔިތުންގެ ދިފާއަށްޓަކައި. ކޮންމެވެސް ނުބައި ރޭވުމެއް ރޭވިގެން އެރޭ ކަންތައްތައް އެހެން ގޮތަކަށް ހިގައިދާނެތީ އަޅުގަނޑު ހަމަޖެއްސި ހަމަޖެއްސުމެއް.” 28 އެޕްރީލް 1980 ގައި ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހުގައި މައުމޫނު

މައުމޫނު “ސިޔާސަތު” ޕްރޮގްރާމްގައި ބުނީ ހުވާކުރުމުގެ އެއް ދުވަސް ކުރިން، ނާސިރުގެ އެންގެވުމަކަށް އޭރުގެ މިނިސްޓަރ އޮފް ޕަބްލިކް ސޭފްޓީ (އަބްދުލްހަންނާނު ހަލީމް) މައުމޫނުގެ އަތަށް ހަތިޔާރު ގުދަނުގެ ތަޅުދަނޑި ހަވާލުކުރި ކަމަށެވެ. ވީމާ ހަތިޔާރު ހުރީ މައުމޫނުގެ ބެލުމުގެ ދަށުގައި ކަމަށެވެ. ހުވާކުރީ ހަތިޔާރު އަޅައިގެން ހުރެ ނޫން ކަމަށެވެ. ރަހުމަތްތެރިން އަތުގައި ވެސް ހަތިޔާރު އެވަގުތު ނުހުންނާނެ ކަމަށެވެ. ނަމަވެސް މައުމޫނު 1980 ގައި ވެފައިވާ އިއުތިރާފުން އެގެނީ ހުވާކުރަން ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހަށް ދިޔައިރު މައުމޫނުގެ “ވަރަށް އެކުވެރި ވަރަށް ގާތް ހައެއްކަ ބޭފުޅުންގެ އަތްޕުޅުގައި ހަތިޔާރު” ހުރި ކަމާއި މައުމޫނުގެ އަތުގައި ވެސް ހަތިޔާރު ހުރި ކަމެވެ. ހުވާ ކުރާއިރު ކަމެއް ދިމާވެދާނެކަމަށް ބިރު ގަނެފައި ހުރި އިރު ހަތިޔާރު ގުދަނުގައި ހަތިޔާރު ހުރުމުން ވާނެ ފައިދާއަކީ ކޮބައިބާވައެވެ؟ މައުމޫނުގެ އިއުތިރާފުގައި “އޭރުގެ ގޮތުން ބަލާއިރު އެރޭ އެކުރެވުނީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ކަމަކަށް ވެސް ވެދާނެ” ކަމަށް ބުނެފައި އޮތުމުން ޔަގީންވަނީ މައުމޫނު 1980 ގައި ބުނެފައި ވަނީ ސިއްރުން އެތެރެކުރި ހަތިޔާރު ހިފައިގެން ހުރެ ހުވާ ކުރި ވާހަކައެވެ.

މިކަމާއި ގުޅޭ ގޮތުން ސަންދާނުގައި ލިޔެފައިވާ މަޒުމޫނެއް ކިޔާލުމުން އިތުރު މައުލޫމާތު ލިބޭނެއެވެ.

އަނިޔާވެރި ވެރިކަމުގެ އަނދަވަޅުން ސަލާމަތްވުން

ވެރިކަމަށް އައުމުގެ ކުރިން ރާއްޖޭގެ ގާނޫނާ ޚިލާފަށް ހަތިޔާރު އެތެރެކޮށް އާއްމުންގެ އެތައް ބަޔަކާއި އެކު ހަތިޔާރު އަޅައިގެން ހުރެ މައުމޫނު ރައީސުލްޖުމްހޫރިއްޔާ ކަމުގެ ހުވާކޮށް، އުފައްދާފައިވާ ސަރުކާރަކީ ޣައިރުގާނޫނީ ސަރުކާރެއް

މަސްޢޫދު އަޙުމަދު، ސަންދާނު، އަދަދު 18، 15 ސެޕްޓެމްބަރ 2004

ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ މިއަދުގެ އަނިޔާވެރި ވެރިކަމުގެ އަދަވަޅުން ސަލާމަތް ވެވޭނީ ލައްކަ ގުރުބާނީއާއި ގިނަ މަސައްކަތް ތަކެއް ކުރެވިގެންނެވެ. މިއަދުގެ ޒުވާން ފަހުލަވާނުންގެ މިސްރާބު ހުރީ އެދިމާގައިކަން ކަށަވަރެވެ. ރާއްޖެއަށް ބޭނުންވާ ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް ވެރިކަން މިހާރު މިއޮތް ވެރިކަން އޮވެގެނެއް ނުގެނެސްދެވޭނެއެވެ. އެފަދަ ވެރިކަމެއް ގެނެސްދެވޭނީ މިހާރުގެ ވެރިކަން ގޮސް ރައްޔިތުންގެ ބާރުގައި ވެރިކަން ހިންގޭނޭގޮތަށް ހެދިފައި އޮތް ގާނޫނުއަސާސީ އެއް އެކުލަވާލެވިގެންނެވެ.

އެގިވަޑައިގަންނަވާނެ ފަދައިން މިހާރު އޮތް ވެރިކަމަކީ ގާނޫނު އަސާސީއަށް ހުރުމަތްތެރިކޮށް ހިތާ ވެރިކަމެއް ނޫނެވެ. އެންމެ ފުރަތަމަ މައުމޫން އަބްދުލްގައްޔޫމް ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަމަށް 1978 ގައި އިސްވިއިރު އޭނާ ހުރީ ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ އާއި ޚިލާފުވެގެން ކަމަށް އޭނާގެ އަމިއްލަ އިއުތިރާފުން ސާބިތުވެއެވެ. އޭނާ ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަމަށް ހުވާކުރިއިރު ހުރީ ގާނޫނާ ގަވާއިދާ ޚިލާފަށް ރާއްޖެއަށް ހަތިޔާރު (ފިސްތޯލަ) އެތެރެކޮށް އެހަތިޔާރު ހިފައިގެންނެވެ. އަދި އެވަރުން ނުވެގެން އޭނާއަށް އިތުބާރު ހިފޭ ފަރާތްތަކުގެ އަތަށް ފިސްތޯލަދީ އެމީހުންނާއި އެކު ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖްލިސް ކުރާ އިމާރާތުގެ ތެރެއަށް ވައްދާފައި ތިއްބެވެ. އާދެ! ރައީސުލްޖުމްހޫރިއްޔާ ކަމުގެ ހުވާ ކުރާ މަޖްލީހަށް ވަދެ ތިބީ ހަތިޔާރު ހިފައިގެންނެވެ. އޭނާގެ މި ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ އަމަލު 1980 ގައި ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖިލީހުގައި އަމިއްލަ އިއުތިރާފުން ސާބިތުވެއެވެ. މިކަމުން ސާބިތު ވަނީ އޭނާއަށް ގާނޫނާ އެއްގޮތްވާގޮތުގެ މަތިން ފުރަތަމަ ފަހަރަށް ވެރިކަން ހަވާލު ނުކޮށްފިނަމަ ހަތިޔާރުގެ ބޭނުން ހިފައިގެން ވެސް ވެރިކަން ހިފާނެކަމެވެ. އޭނާ ބުނީ “އަޅުގަނޑު ގަސްދުކޮށްފައި އޮތީ ކޮންމެ ކަމެއް ދިމާވިއަސް އެކަމުގައި (ރައީސުލްޖުމްހޫރިއްޔާގެ މަގާމުގައި) ހުންނަން.” އާދެ ގަތުލު އާންމެއް ހިންގަންވެސް ތައްޔާރު ވެގެން ތިބިކަން ސާބިތުކޮށްދޭނެ މިއަށްވުރެ ވަކީން އަލިގަދަ ހެއްކަކީ ކޮބައިތޯއެވެ؟

މިއަމަލާ 1988 ގައި އަބްދުއްލާ ލުތުފީ ތަމަޅަ ބާޣީންނާއި އެކު ރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަން ހިފަން އައި އައުމާއި ހުރި ތަފާތަކީ، އަބްދުއްލާ ލުތުފީ ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަމަށް ދިވެހި ރައްޔިތުން ހޮވާފައި ނެތްކަމާއި، ބިދޭސީ ބަޔަކު ގޮވައިގެން ރާއްޖެ އައިސް ވެރިކަން ހިފަން އަމަލީ ގޮތުން މަސައްކަތް ކުރި ކަމެވެ.

އޭނާގެ އަމިއްލަ މިއިއުތިރާފުގެ ރެކޯރޑިން އާއި ވީޑިއޯ ފަހަށް ރައްކާކޮށްފައި އެބަހުއްޓެވެ. އަދި އެރޭ މަޖިލީހުގައި ތިބި މެންބަރުންގެ ތެރެއިން ގިނަ ބޭފުޅުން އަދިވެސް ދުނިޔޭގައި އެބަތިއްބެވިއެވެ. މިހުރިހާ ހެކިތަކުގެ މައްޗަށް ބުރަވެ ހުރެ ބުނެވޭނީ މައުމޫނު އުފައްދާފައިވާ ސަރުކާރަކީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ސަރުކާރެއް ކަމުގައެވެ. އެއްވެސް ޝައްކެއް ދެބަސްވުމެއް މިކަމަކު ނެތެވެ.

މައުމޫނަށް މިހެދުނު ކޮހާއި މެދު އޭނާގެ ގާތް މީހުން ކަންބޮޑުވެގެން އަވަސްވެގަތީ އެކަމުން މިންޖުވެވޭނެ ގޮތްތަކެއް ހޯދައިގަތުމަށެވެ. މިގޮތުން ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ އިސްލާހު ކުރުމަށް އަވަސްވެގަތީ އެވެ. ގާނޫނު ހަދާ މަޖިލިސް އެކުލަވާލުމަށްފަހު ދެން އޭނާގެ ހެވިކަމުގައި 17 އަހަރު ދިގުދަންމާލީ 3 ދައުރު ވެރިކަން ހިންގާލުމަށެވެ. ފާއިތުވެގެން ދިޔަ ދުވަސްތަކުގައި އޭނާގެ ޚުދުމުޚުތާރު އަނިޔާވެރި ވެރިކަމުގެ އަތްގަދަކުރުން ދިޔައީ ދިވެހި ރައްޔިތުންނަކީ ވެރިކަމުގެ ކުނިބުންޏަށް ހަދާ ގާނޫނު އަސާސީއާއި ގާނޫނުތަކަކީ ވެރިކަމުގައި ތިބި މީހުންގެ ހިތަށްއަރާ ގޮތް ކަމުގައި ހަދައިގެންނެވެ. ދިވެހި ރައްޔިތުންގެ ތެރެއިން ވެރިކަމާއި ނުރުހޭ ގޮތުން ޗުއްޕެއް ބުންޏަސް އަދަގޮޑި ޒާހިރާ، ވާވާ، ލޭޑީ، އިސްތަފާ، ފުސްފަރާ، އައްޕައާއި، ޕާޕާއާއި، މިހެން ގޮސް މައުމޫނުގެ ޑެޕިއުޓީންގެ ނުލަފާ އަނިޔާވެރިންގެ އަނިޔާގެ ދަލުގައި ޖެހި އަނިޔާގެ ވަޅުގަޑަށް ވެއްޓުނީއެވެ. އަމުދުން ރައްޔިތުންނަށް އެއްޗެއް ބުނަން ކެރޭނީ ކިހިނެއް ހެއްޔެވެ. ރައްޔިތުންގެ އިއްޒަތްތެރި މެންބަރުން މީނާގެ ސިޔާސަތަށް ކުޑަކޮށް ނުރުހުން ވެލިޔަސް، އެމެންބަރަކުގެ ޒިންދަގީ ދުއްވާލައެވެ. މީގެ ރަގަޅު މިސާލަކަށް މީދޫ އަޒީ އާއި ޝައިޚު އަހުމަދު އާދަމް ހިމެނެއެވެ. އެދެބޭފުޅުން ޖަލަށް ގެންދެވުނީ ދުޅަހެޔޮކޮށް ތިއްބަވަނިކޮށްނެވެ. އެހެނަސް ޖަލުން ނެރެވުނީ ބަލިމީހުންގެ ގޮތުގައެވެ. ޖަލުން ދެވުނު އަނިޔާގެ ސަބަބުން ނުހިންގެވި އެތަކެއް ޒަމާން ވަންދެން ބަލި އެދުގައި އޮންނަވާފައި މީދޫ އަޒީ މިދިޔަ އަހަރު ކުރީކޮޅު އަވަހާރަ ވެއްޖެއެވެ. އަހުމަދު އާދަމް އަދި ބަލި އެދުގައި އެބައޮންނެވި ކަންނޭގެއެވެ. ނުހިންގެވޭ ހާލުކޮޅުގައެވެ. މިހެން ވުމުން ދިވެހި ރައްޔިތުން ތާއަބަދު ތިބެނީ ބިރުން ސިހިސިހިއެވެ. މަޖިލީހުގެ މެންބަރަކަށް ވެސް ހަމަ އުފް އޭ ވެސް ބުނެލަން ނުކެރޭނެއެވެ. އެކަން ވަރަށް ރީއްޗަށް ސާބިތުވެއެވެ. ކަޅު ހުކުރަށްފަހު ބޭއްވުނު ޖަލްސާގައި ސަރުކާރުގެ ސިޔާސަތާއި ދެކޮޅު ބޭފުޅުން ތިއްބެވިއަސް އެއްވެސް އެއްޗެކޭ ވިދާޅުވާން ނުކެރުނީ މިހިރަހައި ތަޖުރިބާތައް އެގި ފެނިފައިވާތީއެވެ. އެޖަލްސާ ބޭއްވުނުއިރު ވެސް މަޖިލީހުގެ 2 މެންބަރަކާ ޚާއްސަ މަޖިލީހުގެ ހަތް މެމްބަރަކު ވީ އަނިޔާގެ ޗޭމްބަރު ތަކުގައެވެ.

ވެރިކަމުގެ ދާއިރާގައި މަސައްކަތްކުރާ މީހުންގެ ތެރެއިން މަގާމްތައް މަތިވެ ކުރިއެރުމާއި ދިރިއުޅުމުގެ ތަނަވަސްކަން ލިބެމުން އަންނަނީ ވޯޓުފޮށިތައް ހިލުވާލާ %100 ރަގަޅު ފާހަގަތަކުން ފުރާލެވޭ އަތޮޅުތަކާއި ރަށްތަކުގެ ވެރިންނަށެވެ. މުޅި ދުނިޔެ މިހަގީގަތް ދަންނައިރު ވެސް މައުމޫނު ހަމަ ބުނަނީ ދުނިޔޭގެ މީޑިއާތަކުން އޭނާގެ ސަރުކާރާ ބެހޭގޮތުން ދޮގު ޚަބަރު ފަތުރަނީޔޯލައެވެ. ފަހެ މިއީ ކިހާ ހެއްވާ ކަމެއް ހެއްޔެވެ.

މިވޭތުވެދިޔަ ދުވަސްތަކުގެ އަނިޔާތަކުގެ ހިސާބުތައް އެހާދިސާތައް ދެކިފެނިފައި ތިބި މީހުންގެ ސްޓޭޓްމަންޓްތަކުން ފެނިގެން އެބަދެއެވެ. ލިސްޓު ދަނީ ދިގުވަމުންނެވެ. މިނުލަފާ އަނިޔާވެރިން ބޭޒާރުވެ މުޅި ދުނިޔެއަށް ހާމަ ވެގެން ދިޔައީ ދިވެހި ޒުވާނެއްގެ ފުރާނަ ދުއްވާލުމާއި ގުޅިގެން ޖަލުގައި ތިބި ކެރޭ ޒުވާނުން ކޮޅެއް އެއަނިޔާ އާއި އިދިކޮޅަށް ނުކުތުމުންނެވެ. އަދި އެކަން ފާޅު ކުރުމަށް ކެރޭ ޒުވާނުން ކޮޅެއް ކުރިމަތިލާ ބޭރު ދުނިޔެ ތެރެއަށް ނުކުތުމުންނެވެ. އެއަށްފަހު މައުމޫނަކީ އަނިޔާވެރިއެއް ކަމުގައި މުޅި ދުނިޔެ ވެސް ދެކެއެވެ. މީނާގެ ޚަސީލަތުގައި އަނިޔާވެރިވުން، ދޮގުހެދުމާއި މަކަރުވެރިކަމާއި ޚިޔާނާތްތެރިވުން، މަލާމާތާއި ފުރައްސާރަކުރުން، ބުނާ ބަހާއި އަމަލާއި ދިމާނުވުމާއި މިފަދަ ގިނަ ނުބައި ސިފަތައް ހުރެއެވެ.

ރައީސްގެ މަގާމުގައި ހުންނަ މީހަކީ އަހަރެމެންނަށް މަގުދައްކަން ހުންނަ މީހާއެވެ. އޭނާ އަނިޔާވެރި ނަމަ ރައްޔިތުން ވެސް އަނިޔާވެރި ވާނެއެވެ. ބީބީސީއަށް އަރާ ވައެލެންސް ވައެލެންސް ވައެލެންސް އޭ ރުޅި އައިސްފައި ބުންޏަސް ދިވެހިން ގަބޫލެއް ނުކުރާނެއެވެ. ވައެލެންސް ބަޔަކު ވީނަމަ އެއީ މައުމޫނުގެ ސިފައިންނާއި ފުލުހުން ދަސްކޮށްދީފައިވާ ކަންތައް ތަކެވެ. މިއީ ތާރީހުން އެގެން އޮތް ހަގީގަތެކެވެ. ވެރިމީހާ އަބުރުވެރި ވެއްޖިއްޔާ ރައްޔިތުން ވެސް އަބުރުވެރި ވާނެއެވެ. އިސްވެ ދެންނެވި އަނިޔާވެރިކަމުގެ އިތުރަށް މީނާ އަކީ އަޚުލާގީގޮތުން ވަރަށް ދަށް ފަންތީގެ މީހެކެވެ. މީހުންގެ އަނބީންނާއި ނަހަމަ ގުޅުން ހިންގައިގެން މުޅި އާއިލާއަށް ބޭޒާރުވެފައި ހުރި މީހެކެވެ. މިއީ އަމުދުން އިސްލާމީ ވެރިކަމެއް ހިގާ ގައުމެއްގެ ރައީސެއްގެ ގައިގައި ހުރެގެން ވާނެ ސިފައެއް ނޫނެވެ. މިއީ މައުމޫނުގެ ހުރި ވަރަށް ދަށް ފަންތީގެ ހުތުރު ސިފައެކެވެ. މިވާހަކަތަކަކީ މާލޭގައި ކީއްކުރަންތޯ މުޅި ރާއްޖެއަށް އާންމު ވާހަކަ ތަކެކެވެ. މިހުންނަނީ އެއްވެސް ތަނެއްގެ ވެރީންގެ ކިބައިގާ ހުންނަން އެއްވެސް ތަނެއްގެ ރައްޔިތުން ބޭނުންވާ ސިފައެއް ނޫނެވެ. މިކަހަލަ ވާހަކަތަކަކީ ލަދުވެތި ކަންތައްތައް ކަމުގައި ދެކޭތީއާއި އަދިވެސް މިކަންކަމާއި ގުޅޭ މީހުންގެ ދަރީންނާއި މީހުން ތިބުމާއި އެކު އިތުރަށް މިވާހަކަ ލިޔާކަށް ނެތީމެވެ. އަމިއްލަ ނަފުސް އަބުރުވެރި ނުކުރެވޭ މީހަކަށް ކެބިނެޓްގެ ބައެއް މެންބަރުން ފާޅުގައި މުޅި ރާއްޖޭގައި އެހާވަމުން އުޅޭ ހަޑިމުޑުދާރު ކަންތައްތައް ނުހުއްޓުވޭނެއެވެ.

ޖޫން މަހު މައުމޫން އިއުލާން ކުރެއްވި ސިޔާސީ އިސްލާހުގެ ޕްރޮގްރާމް އޭނާ އެއްގޮތަކަށް ވެސް ކުރިޔަށް ގެންދިޔަކަ ނުދިނެވެ. ރާއްޖޭގެ ރައްޔިތުންނަށް މިނިވަންކަމާއި އެކު ވާހަކަ ދައްކާ އެމީހުން ބޭނުންވާ ގޮތްތަކުގެ ޚިޔާލު ފާޅުކުރުމަށް އެކި ސިފަސިފާގައި ހުރަސް އަޅަމުން އެންމެ ފަހުން އެއްވެސް ބައްދަލުވުމެއް ނުބޭއްވޭ ގޮތަށް މިޚުދުމުޚުތާރު ވެރިކަމުން ނިންމީއެވެ. ދެން ލޮނު ޒިޔާރަތްކޮޅަށް މީހުން އެއްވެ ވާހަކަ ދައްކާތި އެތަނަށް ސިފައިން ފޮނުވީއެވެ. އެންމެ ފަހުން އެއީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ އެއްވުމަކަށް ހަދަން މައުމޫނުގެ ޑިފެންސުން އިއުލާން ގޮވަން ފެށީއެވެ. ދެން ފަހަރަކު މީހަކު ހައްޔަރުކޮށް އެންމެން ހައްޔަރުކުރުމުގެ ޕޮލިސީގެ ދަށުން މީހުން ފުލުސް އޮފީހުގައި ބަންދުކުރަން ފެށީއެވެ. މިއީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ކަމަކަށް ނުވެއެވެ. އާއްމު ރައްޔިތަކަށް ހުރެ މައުމޫނު ރާއްޖެއަށް ހަތިޔާރު އެތެރެކުރުން އޭނާއަށް ވީ ފަޚުރަކަށެވެ. އަހަރެމެން މިނިވަންކަމާއި އެކު ވާހަކަ ދައްކަން އެއްވެ އުޅުން އޭނާ ދެކެނީ ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ކަމަކަށެވެ. ވާހަކަ ދައްކާތީ ބިރު އެގަންނަނީ ކޮންމެވެސް ގޮތަކަށް ތިމާއަށް ގޯސްކޮށް ކަންކަން ކުރެވިފައިވާތީ ކަން އަމިއްލަ ޒަމީރު ގަބޫލު ކުރާނެއެވެ. ކަން މިގޮތަށް ހިގިއިރު މީނާ ދެއްކެވި ވާހަކައިގާ ވިދާޅުވާ ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް ވެރިކަމަށް ކިހާ މިންވަރެއްގެ މުހިންމުކަމެއް ދެވިފައި ވޭތޯއެވެ؟ ޑިމޮކްރަސީ އަކީ ގިނަ ބައެއްގެ ނިންމުންތަކަށް ތަބާވާ އުސޫލެކެވެ. ރާއްޖޭގެ %70 މީހުންނަށް ވަނީ މިކަމާމެދު ބަހެއް ބުނުމުގެ ޖާގަ ނުދީއެވެ. މީން މީނާ އަޑުހަރުކޮށް ގޮވި އިސްލާހު ގެނައުމުގެ ޕްރޮގްރާމްގެ ނިޔަތް ސާބިތުކޮށްދެއެވެ. އޭނާ އެވާހަކަ ގޮވިއިރު ބޭނުންވާ އިސްލާހު ތަކަކީ ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ އިސްލާހުކޮށް ބޮޑުވަޒީރަކު އައްޔަން ކޮށްގެން އޭނާގެ ވެރިކަން ކުރިޔަށް ގެންދިއުން ކަން އިތުރަށް އެގެން ބޭނުންވޭ ބާއެވެ؟ މީނާ ކުރިޔަށް އޮތް 10 އަހަރު ވެރިކަމުގައި ހުންނަން ބޭނުން ކަމުގައި އޭނާގެ ގާތް ފަރާތަކުން މައުލޫމާތު ދެއެވެ.

މިކަންކަން އިންތިހާއަށް ދިއުމުން މިއަދުގެ ޒުވާނުން ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގެ މާދަމާއަށް ބޭނުންވާ ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް ވެރިކަމުގެ ނިޒާމް ގާއިމް ކުރުމަށް އަތުކުރި އޮޅާލާ ނުކުތެވެ. ހުރިހާ މަގެއް ބަންދުކޮށްލީކަން ޔަގީން ވުމުން ހަރުކުލައިގެ ރައްޔިތުން ގޮވައިގެން ނުކުމެ އެމީހުންގެ ހިތްތަކުގައިވާ އުދާސްތައް އެކަކު އަނެކަކަށް ކިޔާދޭން ތިއްބާ، ސަރުކާރުން ސްޕޮންސަރ ކޮށްގެން މީހުން ނެރެ ހަމަނުޖެހުން އުފައްދާ، ކުށެއް ނެތް އެތައް ބަޔަކަށް އަނިޔާކޮށްފައި، ތިމަންނާ ހުށަހެޅި އިސްލާހު އަޔަނުދޭން އުޅޭ ބަޔެކޯ ކިޔާ ބޭރު ދުނިޔެއަށް ބުނެދޭން އުޅުނަސް އެކަން ގަބޫލުކުރާ ބަޔަކު ނުއުޅެއެވެ. ޑރ ޝަހީދު ވެސް ކިއުއްވަނީ ކޮންމެވެސް އެއްޗެއް އެމީހުން ޑިރެއިލް ކޮށްލީޔޯލައެވެ. 27 އަހަރު ވާންދެން މައުމޫނު އަހަރެމެންގެ އެންމެ އަސާސީ ހައްގުތައް ޑިރެއިލް ކޮށްގެން އުޅުނު ވާހަކަ ބުނަން ބޭނުމެއް ވެސް ނުވާނެއެވެ. ރައްޔިތުންގެ ލޯތްބާއި އިހުތިރާމަށް ވުރެ ޝަހީދު ވެސް ބޭނުންވަނީ ވަގުތީ ފައިދާއެވެ.

އަދިވެސް ޑިމޮކްރަސީ ގެނައުމުގެ މަސައްކަތް ކުރެވޭނީ ޒުވާނުންނަށެވެ. ހިތްވަރާއި ޖޯޝު ހުންނާނީ އަހަރެމެން ދުވަސްވީ މީހުންނަށް ވުރެ ޒުވާނުން ގައިގައެވެ. މާދަމާގެ ވެރިކަމަށް ބޭނުންވާ ބައްޓަން އެގޭނީ ވެސް އެމީހުންނަށެވެ. ގާނޫނާ ޚިލާފުވެފައި އޮތް ވެރިކަމަކާ ބައިވެރިވެގެން ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ އިސްލާހު ކުރެވިގެން ދިވެހިރާއްޖޭގައި މިހާރު މިއޮތް ވެރިކަމުން، ޑިމޮކްރަސީ ހަރުދަނާ ކުރާނެ ވާހަކަ އަކީ މުޅިން ހޮޅި ވާހަކައެކެވެ. އެކަން އެގޮތަށް ނުވާނެ ކަން ހިތުގެ އަޑީން ޒުވާނުން ކުރެއެވެ. ރާއްޖޭގެ ރައްޔިތުން މިމަކަރުވެރި ކަމުގެ ދަލުގައި ޖެހި ނޭގޭ ކަމަށް ހަދައިގެން ތިބުމުގެ ބޭނުމެއް ނެތްކަން ރައްޔިތުން ސާބިތުކޮށްދީފިއެވެ. ވީމާ ރާއްޖޭގެ މިހާރުގެ ވެރިކަން ވައްޓާލާފައި މިއޮތް އަދަވަޅުން ސަލާމަތް ކުރުމަށްޓަކައި އެމީހުން ދަންނަ ޒަމާނީ ސިފައިގާ މަސައްކަތް ކުރަން ފައްޓައިގެން އިތުރަށް ކުރިޔަށް ދާންވީއެވެ. “މިނިވަން ބަހުސް” ޖަލްސާތަކަށް ހުރަސް އެޅުމުން “ތިންބާރު ވަކިކުރުމުގެ” ބައްދަލުވުންތައް މާލޭ ލޮނުޒިޔާރަތްކޮޅުގައި ބާއްވާތީ އެކަމަކީ ގާނޫނާ ޚިލާފު ކަމަކަށް ހަދާ މީހުން ހައްޔަރުކުރަން ފެށުމުގެ ނަތީޖާ އަކީ ތިމާ އަމިއްލައަށް ފޭހުނު އިލޮށި ތިމާގެ ލޮލަށް ހެރުން ކަމުގައި ވެ ނިމިއްޖެއެވެ. ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ސަރުކާރުން ގޮވާ އިއުލާނު ތަކަށް އަޑުއެހުމެއް ނެތިއެވެ. ރާއްޖޭގެ ޒުވާނުން ވެސް ހަރަކާތްތެރި ކަމުން މައުމޫނުގެ ފައި މައްޗަށް ފޮއެ ވައްޓާލައިފިއެވެ.

މިކަމަށް އޮތް ހައްލަކީ ރައްޔިތުން އެކަމަށް ކުރިމަތިލުމެވެ. ފަރީދުގެ ޝަރީއަތުގައި ބައިވެރިވެ، ކަޅު ހުކުރުގައި ކާމިޔާބަކަށް ހެދި ގޮތަށް އަދިވެސް ރައްޔިތުން ބޭނުންވާ އިސްލާހުތައް ހޯދުމަށް ރައްޔިތުން ނިކުންނަންވީ އެވެ. ކެތްތެރިކަމާއި އެކުގައި މަގުމަތީގައި ދުވަސްކޮޅެއް ހޭދަކޮށްލުމެވެ. މިހާރު އޮތް ޣައިރު ގާނޫނީ ވެރިކަމުގައި ތިބި މީހުން ވެރިކަމުން ދުރުވެ ރައްޔިތުންގެ ހާއްސަ މަޖްލިހުން އައްޔަން ކުރާ ކޮމިޓީއަކުން ވަގުތީ ގޮތުން ވެރިކަމާ ހަވާލުވެ 3 މަސް ދުވަހުގެ ތެރޭގައި ޑިމޮކްރެޓިކް އުސޫލުގެ ދަށުން ރައްޔިތުންގެ މަޖްލިހާއި ހާއްސަ މަޖްލިސް އަލުން ހޮވައި، ޖެނެރަލް އިލެކްޝަނަކުން ވެރިކަމަށް ހޮވޭ ޕާޓީ އާއި ވެރިކަން ހަވާލު ކުރުމެވެ. މިހިސާބުން ދިވެހި ރައްޔިތުންގެ ވެރިކަމެއް ހިންގުމަށް އެކުލަވާލެވޭ ގާނޫނު އަސާސީ ނިމެން ޖެހޭނެއެވެ.

ވީމާ މިއަދުގެ ވެރިކަމަށް އޮތް ގޮތަކީ ވެރިކަން ދޫކޮށް ރައްޔިތުން އެދޭ ގޮތަށް އިޖާބަ ދިނުމެވެ. ރައްޔިތުން ތިބީ މިހާރު އޮތް ވެރިކަމުގެ އަދަވަޅުން ރާއްޖޭގެ ވެރިކަން ސަލާމަތް ކުރުމަށް އަތުކުރި އޮޅާލައިގެންނެވެ.